基督敎神學槪論 · Jeong Kyeong-ok Wroot Press · preview
基督敎思想의 歷史的形態 · 1939 edition, pp. 100–108

Chapter 2. The Historical Forms of Christian Thought

(1) The Founding of Christianity

p. 100 Christianity received as its inheritance the religious legacy the Jewish people had gained from their historical experience. This was the most important background Christianity received. In addition, Christianity took much from the cultural environment of its time: Greek philosophy, and the political skill of Rome.1

But Christianity possessed from the first a distinctiveness that transcended this historical background and cultural environment. Christianity was founded on the personality, the thought and the life of Jesus of Nazareth. His surpassing thought and his noble life showed the people of his day a new world of life. Those who came to know this wondrous new life in lived experience2 found that their awakening, their zeal and their resolve could not be expressed in the inherited forms of religion, and when they realized this, Christianity arose with a force that neither cruel persecution nor ceaseless opposition could put down. For them Jesus was the standard of life and its encouragement. In Jesus they saw humanity at its height, and they tasted the grace of God.

Early Christianity was therefore faith in Jesus. It is a fact that apart from Jesus Christianity could not have come into being. They poured all the intellectual power of their age into inquiring into the metaphysical character of this personality, and they also sought to vindicate his transcendent mission from historical evidence; but in the end these were no more than p. 101 the forms in which their belief in and veneration of the personality of Jesus of Nazareth were concentrated.

Second, early Christianity was holy living itself. For them Christianity was the experience of liberation, with Jesus as its central personality. To believe in Jesus was to gain through him a new life like no other, and to live truly and rightly. Their living had two sides, trust and obedience. Trust means to know God, who is Father, to rely on him, to love him and to be in fellowship with him. Obedience means the formation of personality and the rebuilding of a new humanity,3 which start from the experience of redemption. Through Christ they saw that a miraculous transformation of life had taken place in their own living, and they could not cease to marvel at it; and their sense of being called, of having taken up the work Christ left behind, became the motive and the power of a new life.

Third, early Christianity included the holy fellowship of the believers. As vital experience deepened within and social responsibility grew heavier without, it became necessary that those who lived in Jesus with the same aims and the same purpose should keep company with one another and labour and work together for the sake of the gospel. This is the church of Christ. This church was less an institution organized by forms and policies than an organic relation, with Christ as its head and the believers as its members, bound together in love and service.4

(2) Greek Christianity

When in the first century Christianity met the brilliant light of Greek culture, which then held sway along the eastern shores of the Mediterranean, it came to display5 intellectual features, p. 102 and this was a meaningful preparation for the great work that lay before it, the conquest of the barbarian world. They set forth profound doctrines of the spiritual life and its development, and "made clear that to this day the created order moves according to a unified law, and the evolutionary character of history, and the universality of God's providence."6

From the passing of the apostolic age until early in the patristic period, the history of Christian thought is wrapped in darkness and concealment, so that it is hard to find positive material7 enough to trace an accurate line of thought. Yet even with the few fragmentary documents we have, we can glimpse the outline of this period's thought. Above all, the Letter to Diognetus8 is the work of someone deeply influenced by Greek thought. It says that the principle of Christianity lies in what Plato taught, the so-called highest aspiration of humanity, namely the imitation of God; and that since human beings were created in God's image, they are able to imitate God. The writer stressed the need of knowledge, and showed plainly that without knowledge there is no life, and that the pursuit of a life cut off from knowledge is easily led into sin.9

Justin Martyr, a representative of the educated class of the second century, turned from Platonism to Christian thought. He maintained that Christianity is the philosophy of philosophies, the religion that gives the fullest satisfaction to one's intellectual demands and one's moral character.10 He believed that the spiritual life has order and development, and that conscience and reason are universal; and he said that Christ is "the Word that any people may receive, so that anyone who lives in accord with this truth, be it Socrates or Heraclitus, or even a person who calls himself an atheist, may be called a Christian."11

The theology of the second and third centuries arose in the theological school of Alexandria, where Jewish thought and Greek thought flowed together. p. 103 Here all the peoples of the world lived side by side, so that religious thought could not escape a measure of confusion and doubt; but here for the first time the most pregnant and rational theology could be taught.12 Clement of Alexandria stressed that Greek philosophy had been a preparation for revelation, and said that anyone who doubted this doubted the possibility of revelation.13 His fundamental thought was that Christ, as the indwelling divinity, is nowhere absent.14 This world is part of an organic whole,15 and moves always toward one lofty purpose under a fixed law of God. Humanity has its life and being in Christ,16 and so seeks always to form a new relation with Christ. Not only the elect but all humanity is under grace and law; and the unity and sacredness of human history lie in the ordered record of the footprints of God's revelation shown in the world. So Clement said.

Origen, who followed Clement, was also infected by the Neoplatonism of his day, and believed that any religious thought whatever could be harmonized, gathered up and reconciled by it. The origin of evil, the fall of the angels, the pre-existence of souls, the body as the prison of the soul, the worship of angels: all these too he interpreted in an all-embracing eclecticism.17 That he won authority as the representative figure of Greek theology may be said to lie in his exposition of the Trinity by his Logos Christology. By his doctrine of the generation of the Son he was able to make clear that there is a necessary, organic connection and fellowship between the Father, "the Son" and the Holy Spirit; that, against the pagan thought which held that God can in no way enter into communion, the communion between God and "the Son" rests on God's eternal nature; p. 104 that Jesus, as the sun gives forth its light, is the source of the life and the light of the whole creation; and that God's mercy, love and power are revealed to humanity without ceasing through the historical process.18

Athanasius,19 who carried on from Origen, likewise taught a theology centred on the doctrine of the Trinity. He said that through Christ we came to know the true nature and power of God, that the wall standing between God and humanity was taken away,20 and that we came to know the pure nature of humanity. The distinctive point of his idea of the incarnation21 was that all humanity is united in Christ. Christ, as the head and representative of all humanity, had an organic relation with humanity, so that his personality and his work became humanity's own. Athanasius opposed Arianism and maintained that the three persons are one in essence, and for this he took up the term "homoousios." This term was able to repel the pagan thought that took the three persons for a polytheistic union; but it carried a pantheistic colouring of its own, so that it was a danger on both sides.22 That the church's first general council nevertheless received it into the orthodox creed may be said to be owing to its agreement with Greek philosophical thought.23 From whatever side one views it, this means the victory of intellectual Christianity in the East.

(3) Latin Christianity

The Latin peoples held comparatively fast to the traditional faith, gave all their strength to building and organizing the church, and developed, rather than a theology of pure reason, a practical theology of the most concrete kind. Here Christianity, which is spiritual lived experience and life, was entirely institutionalized. The forms of religion are means of symbolizing experience and preserving it, and they can be changed as circumstances differ and demand; but once the system of faith has become fixed and the institution defined, they often make the living vitality wither away.24 Augustine, the spokesman of Latin theology,25 drew on the deep lived experience p. 105 he had learned in the course of his own intellectual history and spiritual striving;26 in the light of it he defended the church as the concrete institution that overcomes the weakness and ignorance of human nature, and stressed that the church is the treasury of truth, the sole authority that guards and proclaims the traditional way of salvation.27

The positions on religious form can be divided broadly into three kinds: sacramentalism, institutionalism and dogmatism.28

Sacramentalism (Secramentalism [sic])29 not only thinks of the sacraments as a method of symbolic expression of faith; it believes that the sacramental elements themselves carry a mysterious power and are a "mediating grace," joining the infinite God and finite human beings. It fixes a definite sacramental form on the authority of tradition, and makes this the holy means by which the grace of God is received.

Institutionalism (Institutionalism) holds that the church is the lawful body of the saints, governed and administered by clergy who have received the apostolic succession; that possessing the Scriptures, the creeds and tradition, it is the sole guide that judges and directs the truth or falsity, the rightness or wrongness, of all the believers' actions and thoughts; that whatever is done within it is free of error and fault; and that everyone can obtain salvation only through the church.

Dogmatism (Dogmatism) regards Christianity as the depository, or the announcing agency, of supernatural revelation. God belongs to a mysterious world that human beings cannot know by ordinary knowledge, and so, if human beings are to obtain knowledge of God, there is no way but revelation, which transcends human knowledge. The system that holds this revelation in store is doctrine; p. 106 human knowledge may not criticize its truth or falsity, and to accept the existing system as it stands is the absolute condition for entering salvation. So dogmatism believes.

(4) Medieval Christianity

The Middle Ages are called the harvest time of Christianity. In the Middle Ages the church, which had been laid out over many centuries since the founding of Christianity, was completed, and the religious thought of the ages was brought to its full achievement.

Medieval Christianity, in essence as in form, handed on the features of Latin Christianity with little change. The authority of the Roman Catholic Church30 was able to put down the violent disturbances of the barbarian peoples and bring them to submission, and it was equal to leading the benighted populace and giving it spiritual cultivation. So it was that rulers as enlightened as "Charles the Great"31 supported the church's policy and sought through it the unity of the state, and in the end there appeared a theocracy with the bishop of Rome as its monarch in fact, and the state was turned into the church.

Another feature of medieval Christianity is the development of "Scholastic philosophy." The ninth century of our era32 was a time when knowledge spread generally among the populace and schools were founded everywhere. Theologians too, stirred by the age's zeal for knowledge, gathered here and there and studied religious thought. Scholastic philosophy arose in this atmosphere. Its basic aim33 was to defend the traditional doctrine of the Latin church by argument, and to maintain that the doctrines believed in the church agree and harmonize with human reason; it was an intellectual movement set against monasticism, which was founded on pietism.34

p. 107 But not all of medieval Christianity followed scholastic theology. Many who were dissatisfied with a lower theology, one that sought to fit the scholastics' tangled theories and the rules of tradition, left it, longed for the inner life, and strove to stand face to face with God. The pietism of the "Franciscans" and the "Dominicans," whom we know well, was this.35 They held that one must perceive the presence of God directly in daily life, and they made renunciation of the world, abstinence and seclusion the ideal of life.

(5) Christianity after the Reformation

Christianity after the Reformation is so complex and varied in form that it is extremely hard to sum it up under one or two headings. For Protestantism has a certain supple freedom, and, meeting a complex environment of thought, has divided and developed down to the present into a state of fragmentation. Yet through all this many-branched division of thought, the fundamental spirit of the Reformers alone may be said to have held consistent. Professor Harnack, in his celebrated work The Essence of Christianity, has set out the heart of Protestantism under three heads.36

First, Protestantism centred on the gospel and on evangelical lived experience. That is, freed from a Christianity defined by rite, doctrine and institution, it went back to the Word of God and the experience of faith.

Second, Protestantism puts its weight on a new understanding of the grace of God. What consoles and blesses human beings sunk in sin and despair is the free grace of God in Christ. In this grace p. 108 the division within the human being is set right, the oppression that seeks to do harm is overcome, the sense of sin is rooted out, and one can have fellowship with the holy God. So the Reformers believed.

Third, Protestantism holds that God can be pleased only by worshipping him in spirit and truth and relying on him.37 Forms of worship, whether private or public, must be the expression of faith. It believes that the essence of the church is this: that believers who have been made one in Christ share thanksgiving and prayer, praise and hope in holy fellowship.

Notes

  1. The chapter surveys Christian thought in five sections: the founding, Greek Christianity, Latin Christianity, the Middle Ages, and Protestantism after the Reformation. The only source Jeong names is Harnack (p. 107, n. 36). The periodization, and its pairing of Greek philosophy with Roman political skill, read like a condensed Anglo-American or Japanese survey of the history of doctrine [Rall?]. ↩
  2. 體驗한 "came to know in lived experience." Jeong keeps 體驗 (Erlebnis, "lived experience") apart from 經驗 "experience" throughout the chapter: 靈的體驗 "spiritual lived experience" (p. 104), 深刻한 體驗 "deep lived experience" (p. 104), 福音的인 體驗 "evangelical lived experience" (p. 107), against 經驗 "experience" in 救贖의 經驗 (p. 101), 生命的經驗 "vital experience" (p. 101) and 信仰의 經驗 (p. 107). ↩
  3. 人格의 陶冶와 新人間의 再建, "the formation of personality and the rebuilding of a new humanity." 新人間 "the new humanity" echoes Eph 2:15 and 4:24, as in II.4. ↩
  4. Christ the head and the believers the members (肢體): Eph 1:22–23; 4:15–16; Col 1:18; 1 Cor 12:12–27. ↩
  5. Printed 發輝[sic], for 發揮 "display, exercise": 輝 "shine" (with the 光 radical) for 揮 "wield" (with the hand radical), a homophone swap. ↩
  6. The quotation marks open before 오늘날까지 "to this day" and close after 解明하여 주었다 "made clear," so the verb stands inside them: Jeong seems to be quoting a summary of the Greek apologists from an unnamed source [Rall?]. 歷史의 進化性 is literally "the evolutionary character of history." ↩
  7. Printed 積極的村[sic]料, for 材料 "material": 村 "village" for 材 "timber, material," two characters that differ only in the right-hand element. ↩
  8. 「따악니티스에게 보내는 書信」, "the letter sent to Diognetus": the anonymous Epistle to Diognetus (second century?). The Hangul follows the English pronunciation of the name (dai-OG-ni-tus). ↩
  9. The imitation of God and the creation in God's image: Diognetus 10.2–6. Plato's "becoming like God" (ὁμοίωσις θεῷ) is Theaetetus 176b. Knowledge and life: Diognetus 12, on the tree of knowledge and the tree of life ("there is no life without knowledge, nor sound knowledge without true life"). Jeong gives no references. ↩
  10. Justin, Dialogue with Trypho 8.1, calls the teaching of the prophets and of Christ "the only philosophy that is sure and profitable." 理智要求 is "intellectual demands," the intellect's demands (理智), not the "demands of reason" (理念의 要求) of Part One. ↩
  11. Justin, First Apology 46.2–3: those who lived with the Logos are Christians, "even if they were thought atheists," among the Greeks Socrates and Heraclitus. Jeong's 自稱 無神論者 has them "call themselves" atheists, where Justin says others thought them so; translated as printed. Jeong names Plato twice on the same page, as 「플레토」 (p. 102, of the Letter to Diognetus) and 「플래토」 (Justin's Platonism). ↩
  12. Printed 神學를[sic], for 神學을: the object particle 를 after a final consonant, like 祖宗를[sic] in II.3 (n. 8). Ch. 1 (p. 93) prints 傳統를[sic] in the same way (ch. 1, n. 1). ↩
  13. Printed 「알렉산드리아의 클레멘트」, with the brackets around the whole name, "Clement of Alexandria." Philosophy as the Greeks' preparation for Christ: Stromata 1.5.28, where it is their "schoolmaster" to bring them to Christ, as the law was for the Hebrews. ↩
  14. 그리스도가 이 內在한 神性으로서 아니 계시는 곳이 없다, literally "Christ, as this indwelling divinity, is nowhere absent." The demonstrative 이 "this" has no clear antecedent and is left out of the English. 內在 is rendered "indwelling," since the sentence is about God's presence. ↩
  15. 有機的總全 "an organic whole." 總全 is uncommon (the usual words are 全體 and 總體); it is clear and printed as read. ↩
  16. "Has its life and being in Christ" (그리스도 안에서 生命과 存在가 있으니) echoes Acts 17:28, "in him we live and move and have our being," said there of God. ↩
  17. Origen spoke against the worship of angels (Against Celsus 5.4–5). Jeong's list places it among the things Origen "interpreted"; translated as printed. ↩
  18. 聖子發生說, "the doctrine of the generation of the Son": Origen's eternal generation of the Son (On First Principles 1.2.2–4). The sun and its light: On First Principles 1.2.4, 1.2.7, after Heb 1:3. The Son and the Spirit are 「아들」 "the Son" in brackets (twice) and 聖神 "the Holy Spirit." ↩
  19. Athanasius (c. 296–373) is spelled two ways on one page: 「아다나시어스」 and 「아데나시어스」. ↩
  20. 墻壁 "the wall": Eph 2:14, the dividing wall broken down in Christ. ↩
  21. 肉體現 "incarnation": literally "appearing in the body." The usual Korean terms are 成肉身 and 受肉; 肉體現 is clear and printed as read. ↩
  22. 自他가 危險하였다, literally "self and other were endangered": the term was a danger to its defenders and its opponents alike, or to itself and to others. The English keeps the ambiguity. ↩
  23. 敎會第一總會, "the church's first general council": Nicaea (325), whose creed confesses the Son ὁμοούσιος "of one substance" with the Father. ↩
  24. 枯息하게 하다 "make wither away." 枯息 (枯 "wither," 息 "cease") is uncommon; it is clear and printed as read. ↩
  25. Printed 羅神 學[?]의 代辯者, with a blank the width of one character between 神 and 學. The sense wants "Latin theology," as in the section heading 羅甸의 基督敎: most likely 羅甸神學 with 甸 lost and the blank left in the wrong place, or an abbreviation 羅神學 with a stray space. The English reads "Latin theology." ↩
  26. 精神的努力 "spiritual striving." 精神 holds together "spirit" and "mind" (Geist); here the English chooses "spirit," though Augustine's striving was intellectual as well. The same word stands in 精神的敎養 "spiritual cultivation" (p. 106) and 根本精神 "fundamental spirit" (p. 107). ↩
  27. Compare Augustine, Against the Letter of Mani Called Fundamental 5.6: "I would not believe the gospel unless the authority of the catholic church moved me." ↩
  28. Jeong names the three types 聖禮主義 "sacramentalism," 敎會主義 "institutionalism" (literally "churchism") and 敎理主義 "dogmatism," and gives each an English gloss in its own paragraph. The third paragraph heads it 敎義主義, a synonym; both are "dogmatism." ↩
  29. Printed Secramentalism[sic], for Sacramentalism. ↩
  30. 羅馬加特敎會, "the Roman Catholic Church": 加特 is short for 加特力, a transliteration of "Catholic." ↩
  31. 「촬쓰大帝」, "Charles the Great": Charlemagne (r. 768–814), crowned emperor by Pope Leo III in 800. ↩
  32. Printed 紀元 第九世紀, "the ninth century of our era." The sort for 九 is damaged: its tail is broken off. The Carolingian schools fit the ninth century. ↩
  33. The paragraph names Scholasticism twice in brackets, 「스콜라哲學」 and 「스코라哲學」 (two spellings of "Scholastic philosophy"), and then as 煩瑣哲學, the Japanese term for Scholasticism (hansa tetsugaku, literally "the philosophy of minute complexity"). All three are rendered "Scholastic philosophy." ↩
  34. 敬虔主義 is the usual word for Pietism. Here it is used of medieval devotion; it is rendered "pietism," in lower case. ↩
  35. 「푸란시스派」 "the Franciscan order" and 「또미니칸派」 "the Dominican order." Both orders also produced leading Scholastics, Bonaventure and Albert the Great among them and Aquinas above all. The contrast between the Scholastics and the orders' piety is Jeong's. ↩
  36. Adolf von Harnack, Das Wesen des Christentums (1900; English What Is Christianity?, 1901), whose lectures on Protestantism treat the Reformation as a return to the gospel of free grace. Jeong's 「基督敎의 本質」 is literally "The Essence of Christianity." The three heads that follow (the gospel and evangelical experience, grace, and worship in spirit and truth) should be checked against Harnack's text and against the Japanese translation Jeong may have used. ↩
  37. "In spirit and truth" (神靈과 眞理로): John 4:23–24. ↩

The 1939 text, transcribed as printed: one line per printed column, set vertically and read right to left. [sic] marks a printing error, corrected in the notes.

p. 一〇〇
第二章 基督敎思想의 歷史的形態 (一) 基督敎의 創始 基督敎는 유대民族의 歷史的經驗에서 얻은 宗敎的遺産의 相續을 받았다。이는 基督敎가 받은 가장 主 要한 背景이었다。여기에다가 基督敎는 當時 文化環境의 影響을 받은바 많았으니 희랍의 哲學이며 로 마의 政治的技能이 이것이었다。 그러나 基督敎는 처음부터 이러한 歷史的背景이나 文化的環境을 超越한 獨特性을 所有하였었다。基 督敎는 나사렛의 예수의 人格과 思想과 生活에 基礎하여서 創始한것이다。그의 卓越한 思想과 高潔한 生涯는 그때 사람들에게 새로운 生命의 世界를 보여 주었고 이러한 新奇로운 生命을 體驗한 그들의 覺醒과 熱情과 決意를 傳來의 宗敎形式으로는 表示할수 없는것을 깨달을 때에 基督敎는 慘酷한 迫害 와 不斷의 反論으로도 制壓할수 없는 勢力을 가지고 興起하였다。예수는 그들에게 있어서 生의 標準 이었으며 激勵이었다。그들은、예수 안에서 人間의 極致를 보았고 하느님의 恩寵을 맛본것이다。 그러므로 初代基督敎는 예수에 對한 信仰이었다。예수를 떠나서 基督敎가 成立되지 아니할것이 事實 이다。그들은 時代의 全智力을 傾注하여 이 人格의 形而上學的性格을 推究하려고도 하였고 史的證據를 들어 그의 超然的使命을 辯明하려고도 하였으나 이는 結局 나사렛 예수의 人格에 그 信念과 崇敬을
p. 一〇一
集注한 形式에 不過하다。 둘째로 初代基督敎는 거룩한 生活自體이었다。그들에게 있어서 基督敎는 예수를 中心人格으로한 解 放의 經驗이었던것이다。예수를 믿는것은 예수로 말미암아 남다른 새 生命을 얻고 참되게 바르게 사는 것이었다。그들의 生活은 信賴와 服從의 二面이 있었나니 信賴는 아버지되신 하느님을 깨닫고 그를 依 支하고 사랑하고 親交하는것이요 服從은 救贖의 經驗에서 出發한 人格의 陶冶와 新人間의 再建을 意 味한다。 그들은 그리스도로 말미암아 自己自身의 生活에 生의 異蹟的 變革이 일어난것을 스스로 驚 歎하여 마지 아니하였고 그들 自身이 그리스도의 남기신 事業을 繼承하였다는 召命感이 새로운 生活 의 動機와 能力이 되었다。 셋째로 初代基督敎는 信徒들의 거룩한 交際를 包含하였다。안으로 生命的經驗이 쌓이고 밖으로 社會 的責務가 무거워짐을 따라 예수 안에서 同一한 主旨와 同一한 目的을 가지고 사는 사람들이 서로 사 귀고 福音의 일을 因하여 役事하고 協助하는것이 必要하게 되었다。이것이 곧 그리스도의 敎會이다。 이 敎會는 形式과 政策으로 組織된 機關인것보다도 그리스도를 머리로 하고 믿는 사람들을 肢體로 한 有機的關係로서 사랑과 奉仕로 聯結되어 있었다。 (二) 希臘의 基督敎 基督敎가 第一世紀에 地中海 東方 沿岸에 風靡하고 있던 希臘文化의 燦爛한 光輝에 接觸하여 智的特徵을
p. 一〇二
發輝[sic]하게 되었던것은 基督敎가 野蠻의 世界를 征服하려고하는 大業을 앞두고 意味深長한 準備이었다。 그들은 靈的生活과 그 發達에 對한 深奧한 敎義를 밝혀 주었으며「오늘날까지 創造物이 統一的法則 에 依하여 運行하고 있다는것과 歷史의 進化性과 神의 攝理의 普遍性을 解明하여 주었다。」 使徒時代가 지나고 敎父時代의 初期에 이르도록까지 基督敎思想史는 暗黑과 隱蔽에 싸여 있어서 正確한思 想의 系統을 踏襲할수 있을이만큼 積極的村[sic]料를 얻기 어려우나 數三의 斷片的文獻을 가지고라도 이 時代思想 의 輪廓만은 窺視할수 있다。特別히 그中에도「따악니티스에게 보내는 書信」은 希臘思想의 影響을 濃厚하게 받 은 사람이 쓴것으로서 基督敎의 原理는「플레토」가 가르친바 所謂 人間의 最高抱負 即 神의 模倣에 있다고 말 하고 사람은 神의 形像대로 創造함을 받았으므로 神을 模倣할 可能性이 있다고 하였다。그는 知識의 必要를 力說하야 知識이 없이는 生命이 없고 知識을 떠난 生命의 追求는 犯罪에 誘導되기 쉬운것을 說破하였다。 殉敎者「쩌스틴」은 第二世紀 知識階級의 代表人物로서 「플래토」主義에서 基督敎思想에 轉向한후 基 督敎는 哲學 가운데 哲學으로서 自己의 理智要求와 道德的性格에 最大의 滿足을 주는 宗敎인것을 主 張하였다。그는 靈的生活에 系統과 發展이 있는것과 良心과 理性의 普遍性을 믿고 그리스도는「어느 民族이나 받을수 있는 말씀으로서 이 眞理에 合當하게 生活하는 사람이면 「쏘크라티스」 나「허클리 터스」나 自稱 無神論者라 말하는 사람까지라도 基督敎人이라 할수 있다。」고 하였다。 第二三世紀의 神學은 유대思想과 희랍思想이 交流하고 있던 「알렉산드리아」의 神學校에서 發源하였
p. 一〇三
다。이곳은 世界 諸民族이 雜居하여있어서 宗敎思想에 多少의 混亂과 疑惑을 免치못하였으나 여기에서 비로소 가장 含蓄的이며 合理的인 神學를[sic] 가르칠수 있었던것이다。「알렉산드리아의 클레멘트」는 希臘哲學이 啓 示의 準備이었던것을 力說하였고 萬一 누가 이것을 疑心한다면 啓示의 可能性을 疑心하는것이라고 말하였 다。그의 根本思想은 그리스도가 이 內在한 神性으로서 아니 계시는 곳이 없다는것이었다。이 세상은 有機的 總全의 一部로서 神의 一定한 法則 아래에서한 高尙한 目的을 向하야 늘 動하고 있다。人類는 그리스도 안에서 生命과 存在가 있으니 恒常 그리스도와 새로운 關係를 지으려고 하며 人類는 選擇함을 받은 사람뿐만 아니라 全體가 恩惠와 律法 아래 있으며 人類歷史의 統一性과 神聖性은 세상에 表示된 神의 啓示의 발 자취의 順序있는 記錄에 있다고 말하였다。「클레멘트」를 繼承한「오리겐」도 當時의 新플래토主義에 感染 되여 어떠한 宗敎思想이든지 이로써 調和總合하야 折衷할수 있다고 믿었다。邪惡의 根源、天使의 墮落、 靈魂의 先在、肉體가 靈魂의 監獄이란것、天使崇拜等도 다 包括折衷主義로 解釋하여 주었다。그가 希臘 神學의 代表人物이라는 權威를 얻은것은 로고스基督論에 依한 三位一體의 解說에 있었다고 할수 있다。 그의 聖子發生說은 아버지와 「아들」과 聖神 사이에 必然한 機體的聯絡과 交際가 있는것과 神은 絕對 로 交通할수 없다고 主張하는 異敎思想을 反對하야 하느님과「아들」사이의 交通은 神의 永遠한 本性에 依한다는것과 예수는 太陽이 光輝를 發하는것과 같이 全創造物의 生命과 빛의 根源이 된다는것과 神의 慈悲와 사랑과 能力이 歷史的過程을 通하야 間斷없이 人類에게 啓示되는것을 밝힐수가 있었다。「오리겐」
p. 一〇四
을 繼承한「아다나시어스」亦是 三位一體論을 中心으로한 神學을 가르쳤다。우리는 그리스도로 말미암아 하 느님의 참된 本性과 能力을 알게 되었고 하느님과 사람 사이에 있는 墻壁이 없어지고 人間의 純眞한 本 性을 알게 되었다고 하였다。그의 肉體現에 對한 觀念의 特異點은 그리스도 안에 全人類가 一致團結한다는것 이었다。그리스도는 모든 人類의 머리요 代表者로서 人類와 機體的關係를 가지고 있었으므로 그의 人格과 그의 事業은 곧 人類의 것이 된다고 하였다。「아데나시어스」는 아리안主義를 反對하고 三位가 本質上으로 하 나이라는것을 主張하고 여기에「호모우시어스」란 述語를 引用하였다。이 述語는 三位를 多神的聯合과 같이 解釋하는 異敎的思想을 排擊할수가 있었으나 自體에 汎神的色彩가 包含되어 自他가 危險하였다。그러나 結局 敎會第一總會에서 이를 正統信經 가운데 容認하게 된것은 이것이 希臘의 哲學思想과 一致되는 點이 있는 데 緣由한것이라 할수 있을것이니 무슨 方面으로 보든지 이는 東方에 있어서 智的基督敎의 勝利를 意味한다。 (三) 羅甸의 基督敎 羅甸民族은 比較的 傳統的信仰을 固守하고 敎會의 建設과 組織에 全力을 다하며 純理神學보다도 가 장 實際的인 實踐神學을 發展시키었다。靈的體驗과 生活인 基督敎는 여기에서 完全히 制度化하였다。宗敎의 形 式은 經驗을 象徵化하고 이것을 保存하려는 手段으로서 環境的條件의 差異와 要求에 依하야 變改될 수 있는것이나 信仰의 體系가 固定하고 制度가 規定된 다음에는 흔히 生命的인 活力을 枯息하게 하는 때 가 많다。羅神 學[?]의 代辯者인「聖오거스틴」은 自身의 知的履歷과 精神的努力의 過程에서 배운 深刻한 體
p. 一〇五
驗에 비취어 人間性의 弱點과 無知를 克服하는 具體的인 機關으로서의 敎會를 擁護하고 이는 眞理 의 寶藏이요 傳統的 救援의 道를 保護하며 宣布하는 唯一한 權威인것을 力說하였다。 宗敎形式에 對한 主張은 大槪 세가지 種類로 區分할수 있으니 聖禮主義와 敎會主義와 敎理主義가 이것이다。 聖禮主義(Secramentalism[sic])는 聖禮를 信仰의 象徵的表現의 方法이라고 생각할뿐만 아니라 聖禮物 自體 가 곧 神秘한 能力을 附帶하고 無限한 神과 有限한 人間과를 聯絡하는 「仲媒的恩惠」라고 믿는다。이 는 一定한 聖禮形式을 傳統의 權威에 根據하야 規定하고 이로써 神의 恩惠를 받는 神聖한 手段을 삼는다。 敎會主義(Institutionalism)는 敎會가 使徒的 繼承을 받은 敎職者들이 治理主管하는 正當한 聖徒들의 集 團으로서 聖經과 信條와 傳統을 所持하고 信徒들의 모든 行動과 思想의 眞僞와 可否를 判斷하고 指 導하는 唯一한 指針이 되어 그 안에서 하는 일이면 무엇이나 誤謬나 過失이 없고 모든사람은 다 敎 會를 通하여서만 救援을 얻을수 있다고 主張한다。 敎義主義(Dogmatism)는 基督敎를 超自然的啓示의 保管 或은 通告機關이라고 看做한다。神은 人間의 一 般知識으로는 認識할수 없는 神秘한 世界에 屬하여 있으므로 人間으로서 神에 對한 知識을 獲得하 려면 人間的知識을 超越한 啓示의 方法밖에 없다는것이다。이 啓示를 保藏한 體系가 곧 敎理로써 人間의
p. 一〇六
知識으로서는 그 眞僞批判을 不許하고 既存한 體系를 그대로 承認하는것이 救援에 들어가는 絕對條件이 된다고 믿는다。 (四) 中世紀의 基督敎 中世紀는 基督敎의 收穫時期라고 말한다。中世紀에 이르러 그동안 基督敎가 創始된 후부터 여러 世 紀를 두고 벌여놓은 敎會를 完成하며 歷代의 宗敎思想을 大成하였다。 中世紀의 基督敎는 本質에 있어서나 形式에 있어서 羅甸基督敎의 特徵을 變改한것이 別로 없이 그 대로 傳承하였었다。羅馬加特敎會의 權威는 蠻族들의 亂暴한 騷動을 制壓하야 그들을 歸順시킬수가 있 었고 暗昧한 愚民을 指導하야 精神的敎養을 베풀기에 넉넉하였다。그리하여서「촬쓰大帝」와 같이 英明 한 統治者로서 敎會政策을 擁護하야 이로써 國家의 統一을 圖謀하였고 나중에는 羅馬監督을 事實上 君主로한 神權政體의 出現을 보게 되어 國家는 敎會로 變體하고 만것이었다。 中世紀 基督敎의 또 한가지 特色은「스콜라哲學」의 發達이다。紀元 第九世紀는 民衆에게 一般的으로 知識 이 普及되고 各處에 敎育機關이 設立되던 때이다。神學者들도 時代的인 知識熱에 鼓舞되어 여기저기 集 合하여 宗敎思想을 硏究하였다。「스코라哲學」은 이러한 雰圍氣에서 일어났다。煩瑣哲學의 根本目的은 羅 甸敎會의 傳統敎理를 辯證하기 위하야 敎會에서 믿는 敎義가 사람의 理性과 一致調和되는것을 主張하 는데 있었으니 이는 敬虔主義를 基礎로한 修道主義와 對立한 知的運動이었던 것이다。
p. 一〇七
그러나 中世紀의 基督敎는 全部가 煩瑣神學을 따른것은 아니었다。그들의 煩雜한 理論과 傳統의 規 例에 適應하려는 低級의 神學에 不滿을 느끼는 사람들은 이를 떠나 內的生活을 憧憬하고 神을 直面하 려고 努力하는이가 많았다。우리가 잘 아는 「푸란시스派」나「또미니칸派」의 敬虔主義가 이것이었다。그 들은 날마다의 生活에서 神의 現前을 直感하여야 할것을 主張하고 世俗을 떠나 禁慾과 隱遁을 生 의 理想으로 하였었다。 (五) 宗敎改革以後의 基督敎 宗敎改革 以後의 基督敎는 그 形態가 너무나 複雜多端하여서 一二의 表題下에 總括하기 極難하다。改新 敎는 多少 圓滑한 自由性을 가지고 있고 複雜한 思想環境을 遭遇하야 오늘날까지 四分五裂의 狀態로 分裂되고 發達하였기때문이다。그러나 이러한 多枝多葉의 思想的分裂을 通하야 改革者들의 根本精神만 은 一貫되어 있다고 할것이다。「하낙」敎授는 氏의 名著 「基督敎의 本質」에 改新敎의 眞髓를 세가지 方面으로 叙述한바 있다。 첫째로 改新敎는 福音과 福音的인 體驗을 中心하였다。다시 말하자면 儀式과 敎理와 制度로 規定 된 基督敎에서 解放되어 하느님의 말씀과 信仰의 經驗에 還元한것이었다。 둘째로 改新敎는 하느님의 恩寵에 對한 새로운 理解에 置重한다。罪惡과 失望 가운데 빠져있는 人 間을 慰勞하고 祝福하는것은 그리스도 안에 있는 하느님의 自由스러운 恩寵이다。이 恩寵 가운데서 人
p. 一〇八, cols. 1–6
間의 內部의 分裂이 바로 잡아지고 害惡하려는 壓迫을 이기고 罪惡感이 根滅되며 거룩한 하느님과 사귈수 있게 된다고 믿었다。 셋째로 改新敎는 神靈과 眞理로 하느님을 禮拜하고 依賴함으로서만 하느님을 기쁘게 할수있다고 생 각한다。禮拜形式은 그것이 個人的이거나 公衆的이거나 信仰의 表現이어야 한다。그리스도 안에서 하나 이 된 信徒들이 거룩한 사귐 가운데서 感謝와 祈願과 讚賞과 希望을 같이 하는것이 敎會의 本質인것 을 믿는다。