Part Three. Christianity
Chapter 1. The Historical Background of Christianity
p. 93 To understand Buddhism one must examine the religion of the Vedas and the Upanishads, and to understand Confucianism one must study the Confucian tradition.1 In the same way, to know what Christianity is, we must first study historically the religion of the Jews, which before Christianity arose laid down its source and its foundation, and we must understand the system of truth that appeared in the course of that religion's development and decline.2
The Jews, seen in their social and historical circumstances, are a people schooled for a long time in the hardest adversity, and today they draw the eyes and ears of the world. Their singular consciousness as a people, their superior economic position and their astonishing religious zeal hold no small interest for us today. Above all, the pure religion they have handed down to us has been an immense contribution to world culture. If the groundwork of modern culture was the law and institutions of the Romans and the science and philosophy of the Greeks, we may say that the Jews supplied it with a lofty religion.3
Of course the religion of the Jews was not an original product of the Jewish people. It is a fact that it received much influence from the religious thought and ritual of the neighbouring lands, Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Asia Minor p. 94 and others.4 But the Jews, through their distinctive character as a people and their hard fate, keenly sensed the reality of life that other peoples had not yet grasped, and were able to see into the spiritual world. Even if their religious thought and practice were somewhat influenced by those of the pagans, they took in almost nothing without first digesting it through their own distinctive character as a people and their traditional culture. Indeed, as they believed, the long history of Israel was God's continuous revelation. Their life, economic, political, social, educational, ethical and artistic, all centred on religion, and nothing in it was not religious. For them too there were times when religion went through a process of decay and came near to ruin, and times when they halted on the road and wandered in the maze of doubt. But their prophets again and again stirred up the consciousness of being the chosen people and gave them new stimulus and awakening, and the Jewish populace believed, without doubting, that the time would come when the ideal of "Zion" would be realized. In this way, as their knowledge grew and their historical experience accumulated, their religion developed through several stages.
(1) Primitive Hebrew Religion
The primitive religion of the Hebrews was on the whole a tribal product, centred on mystical rites of many kinds, organized locally. Their rites rested on the social customs each tribe had inherited, and as to their religious meaning things were rather vague:5 their interpretation was not necessarily the same from one person to another. p. 95 Their mystical religion may at times have received some influence from the polytheistic pagan thought of their neighbours, but on the whole it was based on mythical legends about the tribe's origin and on oral anecdotes about the patriarchs and heroes of each generation. Yet even these legends and myths were not essential to the religious rites; they did no more than add a kind of fireside interest.6
The motive for which they kept these mystical rites was on the whole utilitarian, and their aims were for the most part material. The Hebrews did have from the first a pure religious ideal of the one God, but their experience as a people and local circumstances made their religion eager for the practical gains of "use and livelihood."7 Its chief aim was on the whole the preservation and prosperity of the tribe, the destruction of foreign enemies and defence against them, the increase of the herds and a rich harvest of grain. There may have been a consciousness of sin and prayers for atonement, but these were very faint, and the chief motive was not moral: it was to escape God's wrath at the people's unfaithfulness and betrayal, and to receive his favour.
(2) Religion in the Age of the Prophets
From the eighth to the sixth century before Christ was the golden age of "Hebraism."8 In this period, as the state was organized and the consciousness of the state grew, religious rites were unified; and as their religious ideals were gradually purified, their religious literature too developed in an epoch-making way.
p. 96 The prophets of Israel were religious reformers and at the same time social revolutionaries.9 Their religious ideal, broadly speaking, was grounded in social ethics. They felt keenly how far the cumbersome inherited rites and the lifeless, superficial forms stood from the people's inner religious life, empty ceremony and sham as they were, and they stressed that the fundamental aim of religion lies in making actual living pure and righteous.10
"Jehovah says:11 What use to me are the many sacrifices you offer? I have had enough of burnt offerings of rams and the fat of fed beasts, and I take no delight in the blood of bullocks, or the blood of lambs, or the blood of he-goats. When you come before me, who asked this of you, to trample my courts? Bring no more vain offerings. Incense has become an abomination to me; your new moons and your sabbaths and your assemblies I hate, for I will not tolerate that you gather in holiness and do evil as well. Your new moons and your feasts I hate in my heart; they have become a heavy burden to me, and I am weary of carrying them. When you spread out your hands I will cover my eyes; even when you pray much I will not listen, for your hands are full of blood. You must wash and make yourselves clean; put away your evil deeds from before my eyes; cease from evil and learn good; seek justice; raise up the bowed down; vindicate the lonely child; plead the widow's cause."12 (Isaiah 1:10–17)13
These are the words the prophet Isaiah cried out to his age,14 and from them we can plainly see the religious tendency of the time. The eighth-century prophet Amos, too, opposed the unjust exploitation and oppression of the propertyless class (2:6–7), p. 97 attacked the low moral standard of family life,15 rebuked the capitalists who greedily seek private gain by unjust means (8:4–6),16 condemned the leaders who governed the church because their thought and life had lost all resilience and they had grown dull to their social duty,17 and again and again denounced the ignorance and the corrupt living of those who led the people.
(3) Religion of the Law
From the return of the Jewish people from captivity in Babylon until the third century before Christ, their religion turned into legalism and formalism.18 The Jews' experience of captivity gave a great stimulus to their religion too. Since they came to despise the pagan religions,19 their old leaning toward idolatry was swept away; they held fast to the Jews' traditional, moral conception of the one God; and gradually a confidence in their own people's traditional religion arose, so that they came to claim that through them a standard of spiritual guidance would be given to all humanity.20 As soon as they returned to their homeland they rebuilt the ruined temple and raised up a revival of religion.21 But their religion, following "the tradition of the elders,"22 made a business of keeping the details of an inherited law mechanically. Since this was the crystallized experience the Jewish people had gathered from the most ancient times, it had a weighty and great value in their religious life. But when vital experience had died out and the vigour of faith had decayed, and nothing remained but forms, the relics of a past creative age, and people did nothing but interpret the old law and cling to it, religion could hardly be vital any longer. Their formalism was a means of patching over an age in which the springs of inner faith had dried up, and their law-keeping p. 98 made it possible to set up a double standard, suited to human weakness.23
(4) Apocalyptic Religion
The religion of the so-called "age of intertestamental literature," from the third century before Christ to the first century after,24 was on one side a reaction against a hereditary "Judaism,"25 and on the other the expression of a new view of human life, stimulated by economic and political misfortune.
They lost their hope in the present world. Time and again they tried to restore the fortunes of the state and to revive religion, but every attempt ended in failure. At last they suffered shame as a people and cruelty beyond words, and not only once or twice. Now this world looked to them like a playground of devils, and human beings looked benighted and wicked.26 So they thought there was nothing more to hope for from this world and from human beings. Their messianic ideal, accordingly, changed from a this-worldly to an otherworldly one. They came to think that to expect an ideal kingdom of heaven to be built in this world, a glorious society where the wicked perish and only the righteous gather to enjoy bliss, was a fantasy born of overrating human beings and trusting them too far. The kingdom of heaven is not built by human plans or efforts; it comes to be present transcendently, by the power of God.27 They were deeply impressed that there was no way to correct human malice and ignorance except the miraculous power of God. In other words, they gave up the distinctive realism of "Hebraism"28 and drew a strict dualistic line between the spiritual world and the material world, and between the present world and the world to come; and they clung to a religion built on it, mystical, contemplative, miraculous and otherworldly. p. 99 Here their religion came to take on two chief features. First, because they longed for a superhuman world ruled by the sovereign will and power of God,29 they made much of God's miraculous revelation and miraculous providence. Second, because they were dissatisfied with the ethical ideals of actual society, their faith in society weakened, and there developed a religious individualism that honoured the value and the independent standing of individuality.
We have surveyed above the religion of the Jewish people before Christianity, and we have seen that it unfolded in so many branches and leaves, and in such complex directions, that it cannot be summed up as a single system.30 Although they held fast to a distinctive and strict religious tradition, if we look at it historically we could even say that they experienced several religions rather than believed in one. It is a most meaningful thing that religions of such different character came together, as one, to be the preparatory stage that gave rise to Christianity. The realistic "Hebraism," the "moral" "Prophetism," the institutional "Judaism" and the "mystical" "Apocalypticism" all left deep marks on the thought and life of Christianity.31 Of course, it cannot be said that Christianity had no groundwork, besides the religious tradition of the Jews, that deserves our attention.32 But as to the sources of Christian thought, seen from the standpoint of its historical preparation, there is no doubt that the religious tradition of the Jews held the chief place.
Notes
- 吠陀經 "the Vedas" and 奧義書 "the Upanishads." Jeong has two words for Confucianism: 孔子敎 "the teaching of Confucius," rendered "Confucianism," and 儒敎 "the Confucian (literati) tradition." Printed 傳統를[sic], for 傳統을 "the tradition": the object particle 를 after a final consonant, as 祖宗를[sic] in Part Two, ch. 3 (n. 8), and 神學를[sic] in ch. 2 (n. 12). 傳統 ends col. 1 and 를 opens col. 2. ↩
- The chapter traces the religion of the Jews through four stages, primitive Hebrew religion, the prophets, the religion of the law after the exile, and apocalyptic religion, and at its close (p. 99) names them "Hebraism," "Prophetism," "Judaism" and "Apocalypticism." The scheme reads like a condensed Anglo-American survey of Old Testament religion; Jeong names no source [Rall?]. ↩
- Rome for law and institutions, Greece for science and philosophy, Israel for religion: the three sources of Western culture, a set comparison in English and Japanese writing of the period [Rall?]. ↩
- 諸邦 "and other lands." Babylon is 빠벨론 here and 바벨론 on p. 97; both spellings are printed. ↩
- Printed 寞[sic]然, for 漠然 "vague": the roof 宀 of 寞 is clear. 寞 and 漠 are both read mak, a homophone swap; 寞然 is not a word. ↩
- 夜話的興趣 "fireside interest": 夜話 is "night talk," tales told in the evening. ↩
- 利用厚生 "use and livelihood": a classical phrase from the Book of Documents ("Counsels of Yu the Great": 正德、利用、厚生, "rectifying virtue, making use of things, enriching life"). Jeong uses it for practical, material gain. ↩
- 「히브레이씀」 "Hebraism," the last syllable 씀 (ㅆ), as in the other -ism names of the chapter (n. 31). On p. 98 the name is spelled 「히부레이씀」 (n. 28). ↩
- The prophets as "religious reformers and social revolutionaries" is the social-gospel reading of the Hebrew prophets; compare Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907), ch. 1, "The Historical Roots of Christianity: The Hebrew Prophets" [Rall?]. ↩
- 義로워지는데 "made … righteous." 義 holds together righteousness and justice; here the English chooses "righteous," the personal sense, since the object is "actual living." ↩
- 여호아 "Jehovah," as printed (for 여호와), the same form as in Part Two, ch. 3. The quotation opens with 「 and closes with 』, as printed; the English closes it at the end of the quoted words. Its Korean wording is Jeong's own, and the English translates it, not an English Bible. ↩
- 굴한자를 펴주고 "raise up the bowed down" (屈한 者, literally "straighten the bent"); 신원하여주며 "vindicate" (伸冤, "clear of wrong"); 발명하여주라 "plead the cause" (發明, in the older sense "clear of blame"); 공의 "justice" (公義, which holds together justice and righteousness, as 義 does in n. 10). ↩
- Printed 一〇十|十七, "1:10–17": the circle 〇 separates chapter and verse, and the vertical stroke is a dash. The quotation itself begins at v. 11. ↩
- 웨치는, a period spelling of 외치는 "cry out." ↩
- Printed 底[sic]卑, for 低卑 "low, base": 底 "bottom" and 低 "low" are both read jeo, a homophone swap. The citation (二〇六|七, Amos 2:6–7) stands before this clause in the Korean; v. 7b, the charge that father and son go in to the same girl, is the one about family life. ↩
- Amos 8:4–6, printed (八〇四|六), against those who "swallow up the needy" and falsify the measure. 資本家 "capitalists" is Jeong's word. ↩
- 敎會 "church": Jeong's word for the religious community of Israel. ↩
- 律法主義 "legalism," 形式主義 "formalism"; on p. 97 also 遵法主義 "law-keeping." ↩
- Printed 異敎들 蔑視하는데서, "despise the pagan religions," a plural with the object particle left unwritten (the initial of 들 is ㄷ, not the ㄹ of 를), so no misprint is marked. ↩
- 精神的指導 "spiritual guidance." 精神 holds together spirit and mind; here the English chooses "spiritual." ↩
- 이르켰다, a period spelling of 일으켰다 "raised up." The rebuilt temple is the Second Temple (Ezra 3–6; completed about 515 BC). ↩
- 「長老의 遺傳」 "the tradition of the elders," the phrase of Mark 7:3, 5 (and Matt 15:2). ↩
- 二重標準 "a double standard"; 人間의 弱點에 備한 "suited to human weakness," literally "provided against human weakness." A comma is printed after 形式主義는 at the start of the sentence. ↩
- 間期文學 "intertestamental literature," as in Part One, ch. 1. ↩
- 「쮸다이씀」 "Judaism," ending in 씀, as the other -ism names (n. 31). ↩
- 曖昧凶惡 "benighted and wicked": 曖昧 is usually "vague, obscure"; of human beings it means dark in mind, "benighted." ↩
- 超然的으로 臨在한다 "comes to be present transcendently." 超然 "transcendent" is kept apart from 超越 "transcend" as in Part Two, ch. 4 (n. 19), where 超然的要因 names the factor of revelation and grace. ↩
- 「히부레이씀」, with 부 (p. 95 has 「히브레이씀」); both spellings are printed. ↩
- Between 첫째는 "first" and 神의 "of God" the print has a hatched block the height of half a character. It is a turned sort: a type set face-down where the compositor lacked the right character, printed as 〓. The character is lost; the sentence reads complete without it. 獨裁的 "sovereign," literally "autocratic." ↩
- Printed 없을이큼[sic]큼, for 없을이만큼 "so much that it cannot": 큼 is doubled where 만 belongs. ↩
- 「프라페티씀」 "Prophetism," 「쮸다이씀」 "Judaism," 「에파클립티시씀」 "Apocalypticism": the four names of the four stages (n. 2), all ending in 씀. 「道德的」 "moral" and 「神秘的」 "mystical" are in Jeong's quotation brackets. ↩
- 基礎的工作 "groundwork," the word used on p. 93 for the Roman and Greek contributions to modern culture. The chapter ends here (p. 99 col. 15). ↩