基督敎神學槪論 · Jeong Kyeong-ok Wroot Press · preview
基督敎의 歷史的背景 · 1939 edition, pp. 93–99

Part Three. Christianity

Chapter 1. The Historical Background of Christianity

p. 93 To understand Buddhism one must examine the religion of the Vedas and the Upanishads, and to understand Confucianism one must study the Confucian tradition.1 In the same way, to know what Christianity is, we must first study historically the religion of the Jews, which before Christianity arose laid down its source and its foundation, and we must understand the system of truth that appeared in the course of that religion's development and decline.2

The Jews, seen in their social and historical circumstances, are a people schooled for a long time in the hardest adversity, and today they draw the eyes and ears of the world. Their singular consciousness as a people, their superior economic position and their astonishing religious zeal hold no small interest for us today. Above all, the pure religion they have handed down to us has been an immense contribution to world culture. If the groundwork of modern culture was the law and institutions of the Romans and the science and philosophy of the Greeks, we may say that the Jews supplied it with a lofty religion.3

Of course the religion of the Jews was not an original product of the Jewish people. It is a fact that it received much influence from the religious thought and ritual of the neighbouring lands, Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Asia Minor p. 94 and others.4 But the Jews, through their distinctive character as a people and their hard fate, keenly sensed the reality of life that other peoples had not yet grasped, and were able to see into the spiritual world. Even if their religious thought and practice were somewhat influenced by those of the pagans, they took in almost nothing without first digesting it through their own distinctive character as a people and their traditional culture. Indeed, as they believed, the long history of Israel was God's continuous revelation. Their life, economic, political, social, educational, ethical and artistic, all centred on religion, and nothing in it was not religious. For them too there were times when religion went through a process of decay and came near to ruin, and times when they halted on the road and wandered in the maze of doubt. But their prophets again and again stirred up the consciousness of being the chosen people and gave them new stimulus and awakening, and the Jewish populace believed, without doubting, that the time would come when the ideal of "Zion" would be realized. In this way, as their knowledge grew and their historical experience accumulated, their religion developed through several stages.

(1) Primitive Hebrew Religion

The primitive religion of the Hebrews was on the whole a tribal product, centred on mystical rites of many kinds, organized locally. Their rites rested on the social customs each tribe had inherited, and as to their religious meaning things were rather vague:5 their interpretation was not necessarily the same from one person to another. p. 95 Their mystical religion may at times have received some influence from the polytheistic pagan thought of their neighbours, but on the whole it was based on mythical legends about the tribe's origin and on oral anecdotes about the patriarchs and heroes of each generation. Yet even these legends and myths were not essential to the religious rites; they did no more than add a kind of fireside interest.6

The motive for which they kept these mystical rites was on the whole utilitarian, and their aims were for the most part material. The Hebrews did have from the first a pure religious ideal of the one God, but their experience as a people and local circumstances made their religion eager for the practical gains of "use and livelihood."7 Its chief aim was on the whole the preservation and prosperity of the tribe, the destruction of foreign enemies and defence against them, the increase of the herds and a rich harvest of grain. There may have been a consciousness of sin and prayers for atonement, but these were very faint, and the chief motive was not moral: it was to escape God's wrath at the people's unfaithfulness and betrayal, and to receive his favour.

(2) Religion in the Age of the Prophets

From the eighth to the sixth century before Christ was the golden age of "Hebraism."8 In this period, as the state was organized and the consciousness of the state grew, religious rites were unified; and as their religious ideals were gradually purified, their religious literature too developed in an epoch-making way.

p. 96 The prophets of Israel were religious reformers and at the same time social revolutionaries.9 Their religious ideal, broadly speaking, was grounded in social ethics. They felt keenly how far the cumbersome inherited rites and the lifeless, superficial forms stood from the people's inner religious life, empty ceremony and sham as they were, and they stressed that the fundamental aim of religion lies in making actual living pure and righteous.10

"Jehovah says:11 What use to me are the many sacrifices you offer? I have had enough of burnt offerings of rams and the fat of fed beasts, and I take no delight in the blood of bullocks, or the blood of lambs, or the blood of he-goats. When you come before me, who asked this of you, to trample my courts? Bring no more vain offerings. Incense has become an abomination to me; your new moons and your sabbaths and your assemblies I hate, for I will not tolerate that you gather in holiness and do evil as well. Your new moons and your feasts I hate in my heart; they have become a heavy burden to me, and I am weary of carrying them. When you spread out your hands I will cover my eyes; even when you pray much I will not listen, for your hands are full of blood. You must wash and make yourselves clean; put away your evil deeds from before my eyes; cease from evil and learn good; seek justice; raise up the bowed down; vindicate the lonely child; plead the widow's cause."12 (Isaiah 1:10–17)13

These are the words the prophet Isaiah cried out to his age,14 and from them we can plainly see the religious tendency of the time. The eighth-century prophet Amos, too, opposed the unjust exploitation and oppression of the propertyless class (2:6–7), p. 97 attacked the low moral standard of family life,15 rebuked the capitalists who greedily seek private gain by unjust means (8:4–6),16 condemned the leaders who governed the church because their thought and life had lost all resilience and they had grown dull to their social duty,17 and again and again denounced the ignorance and the corrupt living of those who led the people.

(3) Religion of the Law

From the return of the Jewish people from captivity in Babylon until the third century before Christ, their religion turned into legalism and formalism.18 The Jews' experience of captivity gave a great stimulus to their religion too. Since they came to despise the pagan religions,19 their old leaning toward idolatry was swept away; they held fast to the Jews' traditional, moral conception of the one God; and gradually a confidence in their own people's traditional religion arose, so that they came to claim that through them a standard of spiritual guidance would be given to all humanity.20 As soon as they returned to their homeland they rebuilt the ruined temple and raised up a revival of religion.21 But their religion, following "the tradition of the elders,"22 made a business of keeping the details of an inherited law mechanically. Since this was the crystallized experience the Jewish people had gathered from the most ancient times, it had a weighty and great value in their religious life. But when vital experience had died out and the vigour of faith had decayed, and nothing remained but forms, the relics of a past creative age, and people did nothing but interpret the old law and cling to it, religion could hardly be vital any longer. Their formalism was a means of patching over an age in which the springs of inner faith had dried up, and their law-keeping p. 98 made it possible to set up a double standard, suited to human weakness.23

(4) Apocalyptic Religion

The religion of the so-called "age of intertestamental literature," from the third century before Christ to the first century after,24 was on one side a reaction against a hereditary "Judaism,"25 and on the other the expression of a new view of human life, stimulated by economic and political misfortune.

They lost their hope in the present world. Time and again they tried to restore the fortunes of the state and to revive religion, but every attempt ended in failure. At last they suffered shame as a people and cruelty beyond words, and not only once or twice. Now this world looked to them like a playground of devils, and human beings looked benighted and wicked.26 So they thought there was nothing more to hope for from this world and from human beings. Their messianic ideal, accordingly, changed from a this-worldly to an otherworldly one. They came to think that to expect an ideal kingdom of heaven to be built in this world, a glorious society where the wicked perish and only the righteous gather to enjoy bliss, was a fantasy born of overrating human beings and trusting them too far. The kingdom of heaven is not built by human plans or efforts; it comes to be present transcendently, by the power of God.27 They were deeply impressed that there was no way to correct human malice and ignorance except the miraculous power of God. In other words, they gave up the distinctive realism of "Hebraism"28 and drew a strict dualistic line between the spiritual world and the material world, and between the present world and the world to come; and they clung to a religion built on it, mystical, contemplative, miraculous and otherworldly. p. 99 Here their religion came to take on two chief features. First, because they longed for a superhuman world ruled by the sovereign will and power of God,29 they made much of God's miraculous revelation and miraculous providence. Second, because they were dissatisfied with the ethical ideals of actual society, their faith in society weakened, and there developed a religious individualism that honoured the value and the independent standing of individuality.

We have surveyed above the religion of the Jewish people before Christianity, and we have seen that it unfolded in so many branches and leaves, and in such complex directions, that it cannot be summed up as a single system.30 Although they held fast to a distinctive and strict religious tradition, if we look at it historically we could even say that they experienced several religions rather than believed in one. It is a most meaningful thing that religions of such different character came together, as one, to be the preparatory stage that gave rise to Christianity. The realistic "Hebraism," the "moral" "Prophetism," the institutional "Judaism" and the "mystical" "Apocalypticism" all left deep marks on the thought and life of Christianity.31 Of course, it cannot be said that Christianity had no groundwork, besides the religious tradition of the Jews, that deserves our attention.32 But as to the sources of Christian thought, seen from the standpoint of its historical preparation, there is no doubt that the religious tradition of the Jews held the chief place.

Notes

  1. 吠陀經 "the Vedas" and 奧義書 "the Upanishads." Jeong has two words for Confucianism: 孔子敎 "the teaching of Confucius," rendered "Confucianism," and 儒敎 "the Confucian (literati) tradition." Printed 傳統를[sic], for 傳統을 "the tradition": the object particle 를 after a final consonant, as 祖宗를[sic] in Part Two, ch. 3 (n. 8), and 神學를[sic] in ch. 2 (n. 12). 傳統 ends col. 1 and 를 opens col. 2. ↩
  2. The chapter traces the religion of the Jews through four stages, primitive Hebrew religion, the prophets, the religion of the law after the exile, and apocalyptic religion, and at its close (p. 99) names them "Hebraism," "Prophetism," "Judaism" and "Apocalypticism." The scheme reads like a condensed Anglo-American survey of Old Testament religion; Jeong names no source [Rall?]. ↩
  3. Rome for law and institutions, Greece for science and philosophy, Israel for religion: the three sources of Western culture, a set comparison in English and Japanese writing of the period [Rall?]. ↩
  4. 諸邦 "and other lands." Babylon is 빠벨론 here and 바벨론 on p. 97; both spellings are printed. ↩
  5. Printed 寞[sic]然, for 漠然 "vague": the roof 宀 of 寞 is clear. 寞 and 漠 are both read mak, a homophone swap; 寞然 is not a word. ↩
  6. 夜話的興趣 "fireside interest": 夜話 is "night talk," tales told in the evening. ↩
  7. 利用厚生 "use and livelihood": a classical phrase from the Book of Documents ("Counsels of Yu the Great": 正德、利用、厚生, "rectifying virtue, making use of things, enriching life"). Jeong uses it for practical, material gain. ↩
  8. 「히브레이씀」 "Hebraism," the last syllable 씀 (ㅆ), as in the other -ism names of the chapter (n. 31). On p. 98 the name is spelled 「히부레이씀」 (n. 28). ↩
  9. The prophets as "religious reformers and social revolutionaries" is the social-gospel reading of the Hebrew prophets; compare Walter Rauschenbusch, Christianity and the Social Crisis (1907), ch. 1, "The Historical Roots of Christianity: The Hebrew Prophets" [Rall?]. ↩
  10. 義로워지는데 "made … righteous." 義 holds together righteousness and justice; here the English chooses "righteous," the personal sense, since the object is "actual living." ↩
  11. 여호아 "Jehovah," as printed (for 여호와), the same form as in Part Two, ch. 3. The quotation opens with 「 and closes with 』, as printed; the English closes it at the end of the quoted words. Its Korean wording is Jeong's own, and the English translates it, not an English Bible. ↩
  12. 굴한자를 펴주고 "raise up the bowed down" (屈한 者, literally "straighten the bent"); 신원하여주며 "vindicate" (伸冤, "clear of wrong"); 발명하여주라 "plead the cause" (發明, in the older sense "clear of blame"); 공의 "justice" (公義, which holds together justice and righteousness, as 義 does in n. 10). ↩
  13. Printed 一〇十|十七, "1:10–17": the circle 〇 separates chapter and verse, and the vertical stroke is a dash. The quotation itself begins at v. 11. ↩
  14. 웨치는, a period spelling of 외치는 "cry out." ↩
  15. Printed 底[sic]卑, for 低卑 "low, base": 底 "bottom" and 低 "low" are both read jeo, a homophone swap. The citation (二〇六|七, Amos 2:6–7) stands before this clause in the Korean; v. 7b, the charge that father and son go in to the same girl, is the one about family life. ↩
  16. Amos 8:4–6, printed (八〇四|六), against those who "swallow up the needy" and falsify the measure. 資本家 "capitalists" is Jeong's word. ↩
  17. 敎會 "church": Jeong's word for the religious community of Israel. ↩
  18. 律法主義 "legalism," 形式主義 "formalism"; on p. 97 also 遵法主義 "law-keeping." ↩
  19. Printed 異敎들 蔑視하는데서, "despise the pagan religions," a plural with the object particle left unwritten (the initial of 들 is ㄷ, not the ㄹ of 를), so no misprint is marked. ↩
  20. 精神的指導 "spiritual guidance." 精神 holds together spirit and mind; here the English chooses "spiritual." ↩
  21. 이르켰다, a period spelling of 일으켰다 "raised up." The rebuilt temple is the Second Temple (Ezra 3–6; completed about 515 BC). ↩
  22. 「長老의 遺傳」 "the tradition of the elders," the phrase of Mark 7:3, 5 (and Matt 15:2). ↩
  23. 二重標準 "a double standard"; 人間의 弱點에 備한 "suited to human weakness," literally "provided against human weakness." A comma is printed after 形式主義는 at the start of the sentence. ↩
  24. 間期文學 "intertestamental literature," as in Part One, ch. 1. ↩
  25. 「쮸다이씀」 "Judaism," ending in 씀, as the other -ism names (n. 31). ↩
  26. 曖昧凶惡 "benighted and wicked": 曖昧 is usually "vague, obscure"; of human beings it means dark in mind, "benighted." ↩
  27. 超然的으로 臨在한다 "comes to be present transcendently." 超然 "transcendent" is kept apart from 超越 "transcend" as in Part Two, ch. 4 (n. 19), where 超然的要因 names the factor of revelation and grace. ↩
  28. 「히부레이씀」, with 부 (p. 95 has 「히브레이씀」); both spellings are printed. ↩
  29. Between 첫째는 "first" and 神의 "of God" the print has a hatched block the height of half a character. It is a turned sort: a type set face-down where the compositor lacked the right character, printed as 〓. The character is lost; the sentence reads complete without it. 獨裁的 "sovereign," literally "autocratic." ↩
  30. Printed 없을이큼[sic]큼, for 없을이만큼 "so much that it cannot": 큼 is doubled where 만 belongs. ↩
  31. 「프라페티씀」 "Prophetism," 「쮸다이씀」 "Judaism," 「에파클립티시씀」 "Apocalypticism": the four names of the four stages (n. 2), all ending in 씀. 「道德的」 "moral" and 「神秘的」 "mystical" are in Jeong's quotation brackets. ↩
  32. 基礎的工作 "groundwork," the word used on p. 93 for the Roman and Greek contributions to modern culture. The chapter ends here (p. 99 col. 15). ↩

The 1939 text, transcribed as printed: one line per printed column, set vertically and read right to left. [sic] marks a printing error, corrected in the notes.

p. 九三
第三編 基督敎 第一章 基督敎의 歷史的背景 佛敎를 理解하려면 吠陀經이나 奧義書의 宗敎를 考察하여야 하고 孔子敎를 理解하려면 儒敎의 傳統 를[sic] 攻究하여야 하는것과 같이 基督敎가 무엇인것을 알려면 먼저 基督敎가 發生하기前 基督敎의 淵源 과 基礎를 세워준 유대人의 宗敎를 歷史的으로 考究하여서 그 發展과 衰頹의 過程에 나타난 眞理의 體系를 理解하는것이 必要하다。 유대族은 社會的歷史的情勢로 보아 오래동안 極難의 逆境中에서 陶冶를 받은 民族으로서 오늘날 世 界의 耳目을 끌고 있다。그들의 獨異한 民族意識과 優越한 經濟的地位와 놀랄만한 宗敎的熱情은 오 늘날 우리에게 적지아니한 興味를 주고있다。그中에도 그들이 우리에게 끼쳐준 純正한 宗敎는 世界文化 에 莫大한 貢獻이었다。現代文化의 基礎工作으로 로마 사람의 法律과 制度、希臘 사람의 科學과 哲學이 있었다면 유대 사람들은 여기에 高尙한 宗敎를 提供하였다고 할수 있을것이다。 勿論 유대人의 宗敎는 유대民族의 獨創的인 産物이 아니요 近隣의 埃及、빠벨론、앗수리아、小亞細亞
p. 九四
諸邦이 所有하였던 宗敎思想과 儀式의 影響을 많이 받은것이 事實이다。그러나 유대族은 그들의 獨特 한 民族性과 崎嶇한 運命 가운데서 他民族이 일찌기 깨닫지 못한 生命의 現實을 銳感하고 靈界를 洞 察할수가 있었고 그들의 宗敎思想과 行爲가 異敎의 그것에 多少 影響을 받은바 있다 할지라도 그들의 獨特한 民族性과 傳統的 文化로 消化하지 아니하고는 그대로 注入한것이 別로 없었다。實로 그들이 믿 은바와 같이 長久한 이스라엘의 歷史는 神의 繼續的啓示이였던것이다。그들의 生活은 經濟、政治、社 會、敎育、倫理、藝術 모든것이 다 宗敎를 中心한것이였고 宗敎的이 아닌것이 없었다。그들에게도 어 느때에는 宗敎가 頹廢의 過程을 밟아 거의 沒落의 慘境에 이른 때도 있었고 어느때에는 가던 발을 멈추고 懷疑의 迷路에서 彷徨하던 때도 있었다。그러나 그들의 先知者들은 거듭거듭 選民意識을 鼓吹 하여 새로운 刺戟과 覺醒을 주었고 유대 民衆은「시온」의 理想이 實現될 時期가 있을것을 믿고 疑心하 지 아니하였다。이렇게 그들의 知識이 더하고 歷史的經驗이 쌓이는대로 그들의 宗敎는 여러가지 階 段을 밟아 發展하였던것이다。 (一) 히브리原始宗敎 히브리人의 原始宗敎는 大體로 地方的으로 되어 있는 雜多한 形式의 神秘的祭儀를 中心으로한 部 族的産物이었다。그들의 祭儀는 各部落이 가지고 있는 傳來의 社會的規例에 依한것으로서 이것의 宗敎 的意義에 對하여서는 오히려 寞[sic]然한바 있었고 사람을 따라 그 解釋이 반드시 同一한것은 아니었다。
p. 九五
그들의 神秘宗敎는 間或 近隣의 多神的 異敎思想의 影響을 받은바도 있었겠지만 大體로 보아서 히 브리族의 部族的起源에 對한 神話的傳說이나 歷代의 族長이나 英雄에 對한 口傳的逸話에 基準한것이었 다。그러나 이러한 傳說과 神話까지라도 宗敎的祭儀에 必須的인것이 아니었고 一種의 夜話的興趣를 더 하는것에 不過하였다。 그들이 이러한 神秘的祭儀를 遵行하는 動機는 大體로 功利的인것이었고 그들의 目的은 大概가 物 質的인것이었다。히브리族에게는 本來부터 唯一神에 對한 純正한 宗敎理想이 없었던것은 아니었으나 그 들의 民族的經驗과 地方的事情이 그들의 宗敎로 하여금 利用厚生의 現實的利益을 追求하는데 汲汲하 도록 만들고 만것이다。그들의 宗敎는 大體로 種族의 保存과 繁榮、外敵의 攻滅과 防禦、家畜의 繁 殖이나 穀物의 豐作을 要望하는것이 主要한 目的이었다。罪障意識과 贖罪의 祈願이 있었다 할지라도 이 는 極히 稀薄한것이었고 道德的인 意味에서 보다도 사람들의 不忠과 背信에 對한 神의 震怒를 避 하여 그의 恩德을 입으려는것이 主要한 動機가 되어 있었다。 (二) 先知時代의 宗敎 紀元前 八世紀부터 六世紀까지는「히브레이씀」의 全盛時代이었다。이때는 國家의 組織과 國家意識이 發 展함을 따라 宗敎儀式이 統一되었으며 그들의 宗敎的理想이 漸次 淨化함을 따라 그들의 宗敎文學도 劃 世紀的으로 發達하였다。
p. 九六
이스라엘의 先知者들은 宗敎改革者들인 同時에 社會革命家들이었다。그들의 宗敎理想은 大體로 보자면 社會倫理에 立脚한것이었다。그들은 傳來의 煩雜한 祭儀와 生命이 없는 皮相的形式이 民衆의 內的宗敎生 活에서 얼마나 멀리 떨어져있는 虛禮요 假式인것을 痛切히 느끼였고 宗敎의 根本目的은 實際生活이 純 潔하고 義로워지는데 있다는것을 强調하였다。 「여호아께서 이르사대 너희가 드리는바 많은 제물이 내게 무엇이 유익하리오。수양을 드리는 번제 와 살진짐승의 기름이 내게 넉넉하며 수송아지의 피와 어린 양의 피와 수염소의 피를 내가 기뻐 하지 않노라。너희가 내 앞에 와서 내 마당 밟기를 누가 너희에게 요구하드냐。헛된 제물을 다시 가져오지 말라。분향하는것이 내게 가증한것이 되고 월삭과 안식일에 개회하는것도 내가 싫어함은 거룩히 모이 면서 겸하여 악을 행함을 내가 또 용납지 아니함이라。너희의 월삭과 절기는 내 마음에 미워하노니 그것이 내게 무거운 짐이 되어 메기에 곤하도다。너희가 손을 펼 때에 내가 눈을 가리우며 너희가 많이 기도할 때에 내가 듣지 아니하리니 이는 너희 손에 피가 가득함이니라。너희는 마땅히 스스로 씻 어 깨끗하게 하여 내 눈 앞에서 너희 악한 일을 버리며 악행을 그치고 선행을 배워 공의를 구하며 굴한자를 펴주고 외로운 자식을 신원하여주며 과부를 위하여 발명하여주라。』(이사야 一〇十|十七) 이는「이사야」先知가 時代를 向하여 웨치는 말씀으로서 이로써 當時의 宗敎傾向을 歷歷히 窺視할수 있다。八世紀의 先知「아모스」도 無産階級에 對한 不公平한 搾取와 壓迫을 反對하고(二〇六|七)家庭生
p. 九七
活의 道德的標準이 底[sic]卑한것을 攻擊하였으며 不正한 手段으로 私利를 貪하는 資本家들을 叱責하고(八 〇四|六)敎會를 治理하는 指導者들의 思想과 生活이 彈力을 잃고 오히려 社會的責務에 鈍感的인것 을 非難하였으며 民衆을 指導하는 사람들의 無識한것과 生活의 墮落한것을 再三 糾彈하였다。 (三) 律法的宗敎 유대民族이 바벨론에 捕虜로 잡혀갔다가 다시 돌아온 후부터 紀元前 三世紀까지 그들의 宗敎는 律法主 義와 形式主義로 變하고 말았다。유대族의 捕虜經驗은 그들의 宗敎에도 莫大한 刺戟을 주었나니 그들 이 異敎들 蔑視하는데서 從來의 偶像崇拜의 傾向이 一掃되고 유대族의 傳統的인 道德的唯一神觀을 固 守하였고 漸次 自己 民族의 傳統的宗敎에 對한 自信이 일어나서 그들을 通하여 世界人類의 精神的 指導의 標準이 提供될것을 主張하게 되었다。그들이 故國에 歸還한 後 即時 廢墟가 된 神殿을 修築하 고 宗敎의 復興運動을 이르켰다。그러나 그들의 宗敎는「長老의 遺傳」을 밟아 世襲的인 律法의 細 目을 機械的으로 遵守하는것을 일삼고 말았다。이는 유대民族이 太古로부터 쌓아온 經驗의 結晶이니 만큼 그들의 宗敎生活에 있어서 重且大한 價値가 있는것이다。그러나 生命的인 經驗이 消滅하고 信 仰의 活力이 衰頹하여 버린데다가 過去 創造時代의 遺骸인 形式만이 남아 있어서 옛날 法만을 解釋 하고 이것을 固守하려고 할 때에 宗敎는 벌서 生命的인것이 되기 어렵다。그들의 形式主義는、內的 信仰의 源泉이 涸渴한 時代를 彌縫하는 手段이요 遵法主義는 人間의 弱點에 備한 二重標準의 設置
p. 九八
를 可能하게 하였다。 (四) 默示的宗敎 紀元前 三世紀부터 紀元後 一世紀까지의 所謂「間期文學時代」의 宗敎는 한편으로는 世襲的인「쮸다이씀」 에 對한 反動이요 또 한편으로는 經濟及政治的 悲運으로 말미암아 刺戟된 새로운 人生觀의 發露이었다。 그들은 現世에 對한 所望을 잃었다。 屢次 그들은 國勢를 回復하고 宗敎를 復興하려고 努力하여 보 았으나 일마다 失敗를 보았다。그리하여서 나중에는 말로 다 할수 없는 民族的 羞恥와 虐待를 당한것 도 한두번이 아니었다。이제 그들의 눈에는 이 세상이 惡魔들의 作亂터이오 人間이 曖昧凶惡한것으 로 뵈었다。그러므로 그들은 이세상과 이 人間에게서 아무것도 더 바랄것이 없다고 생각하였다。따라 서 그들의 메시아的理想도 現實的인데서 來世的인것으로 變하였다。그들은 이 세상에서 理想的인 天國 을 建設하고 惡人이 滅亡하고 義人들만이 모여 福樂을 누릴수 있는 榮光스러운 社會가 있으리라고 企待하는것은 人間을 過大評價하고 過信하는데서 일어난 空想에 지나지 아니한다고 생각하게 되었다。天 國은 사람의 計劃이나 努力으로 建設될것이 아니요 神의 能力에 依하여 超然的으로 臨在한다。神의 異 蹟的能力이 아니고서는 人間의 惡毒과 無知를 矯正할 길이 없다는 깊은 印象을 받았다。換言하면 그 들은 「히부레이씀」의 獨特한 現實主義를 放棄하고 靈的世界와 物的世界 그리고 現實世界와 將來의 世 界사이에 嚴峻한 二元論的區分을 짓고 여기에 基礎한 神秘的이며 瞑想的이며 異蹟的이며 來世的인 宗
p. 九九
敎에 執着하였다。여기서 그들의 宗敎는 두가지 主要한 特徵을 떠우게 되었으니 첫째는〓神의 獨裁 的인 意志와 能力으로 統治하는 超人間的世界를 바랐기때문에 神의 異蹟的啓示와 異蹟的攝理를 重要 視한것이요 둘째는 現實社會의 倫理的理想에 不滿을 품었기때문에 社會에對한 信念이 薄弱하여짐을 따 라 個性의 價値와 獨自的地位를 尊重하는 宗敎的個人主義가 發達한것이었다。 以上에 우리는 基督敎 以前 유대民族의 宗敎를 略論하였거니와 그들의 宗敎는 單一한 體系로 總括 할수 없을이큼[sic]큼 多枝多葉의 複雜한 方向으로 展開되어 있는것을 觀察하였다。그들에게는 그들의 獨 特하고 嚴格한 宗敎的傳統을 固守하고 있었음에도 不拘하고 한가지 宗敎를 믿었다는것보다 歷史上으로 考察하자면 오히려 여러가지의 宗敎를 經驗하였다고 할수도 있을것이다。그러나 이렇게 여러가지 相異 한 特質의 宗敎들이 綜合하여서 한가지로 基督敎를 發生하게 하는 準備的階段이 되어 주었다는것은 매 우 意味깊은 일이라 아니할수 없다。現實的인 「히브레이씀」 「道德的」인「프라페티씀」制度的인「쮸다이 씀」 「神秘的」인「에파클립티시씀」이 모두 基督敎의 思想과 生活에 重大한 痕跡을 남기어 주었던것이 다。勿論 基督敎는 유대人의 宗敎的傳統 以外에도 看過할수 없는 基礎的工作이 없었다고 할수없을것이 다。그러나 基督敎思想의 淵源이 그 歷史的準備階段의 見地로 보아서 유대人의 宗敎的傳統이 가장 主要 한 地位에 있었다는것은 疑心할수 없는 事實이다。