p. 48
Part Two: Religion
Chapter 2: The Origin of Religion
The scholarly value and validity of research into the origin of religion are the same as those of historical science. Historical study, respecting the uniqueness and individuality of sensible actuality, which every empirical science takes as its starting point, first aims at as full a report as possible. It then combines these historical materials and unifies them into a single whole, and it seeks further to find what necessary tendency toward the future1 they point to in the course of historical development. The selection and organization of facts that the method of historical study necessarily requires presuppose some standard of value; and p. 49 the manifold connections of meaning in actuality make a complete and purely descriptive account impossible. From these two points it follows that history does not stop at recording the past; it includes an evaluative attitude that relates the past to the present and seeks to point to guiding norms.2
But suppose one arbitrarily selects a concept abstracted from a single case, or from cases of the same kind, ignores the infinity of meaning and the historical limits that the case or concept carries, and tries to identify it with a universal principle. One has then crossed from the domain of descriptive science into that of normative philosophy, and careful consideration is needed. Still more, when one observes the forms in which religion originated from the genetic point of view, and takes these as the only or the chief source of the essential concept of religion, one easily falls into the error of oversimplification. The search for the forms in which religion originated therefore aims to make clear their historical place, as cultural values that arose at a particular time, and to establish how they point to "the values that have been progressively developed and realized in the course of history up to now."3
Research into the origin of religion will begin from a clear definition of the concept of "origin." The term4 "origin" sometimes means, in time, the last antecedent, reached when one traces back the line from which some event arose until one can go no further. Or it may denote, in space, the "adjacent," presumed to be the originating force of motion, change or growth, as the proximate cause of some given event. And it also refers, in essence, to the material of which the event is made. When we try to go back to the first beginnings of religion, not only must we imagine the remote period before historical records and draw abstract conclusions; even if we reach some valid conclusion, p. 50 we cannot identify the form in which religion "arose" with its "primitive" form, in the sense of a judgment of value.5 Moreover, religious experience, whose subject is the moment of vital grasp, can hardly be judged in value by the standard of the actual order of history. In practice, therefore, research into the origin of religion concentrates on criticizing the cultural values of the primitive stage that still exists, and on examining the mental tendencies of the individual, seen as a recapitulation.6 If we now observe the social customs of savage peoples, or the ways small children live, we can readily find religion at the stage of its arising, or phenomena that resemble religion.
But even in applying this method, one sets up the division between civilized and savage,7 or a sequence and connection among the origin and the stages of development of religion, and in doing so one ends by attaching universal principles of selection and unification to particular historical objects. Instead of showing a direction toward constructing the essential concept of religion from religion as it actually is, one easily falls into an inversion: a norm for the essence of religion has been fixed in advance, and the facts of religion, that is, the historical sources of the science of religion, are treated as cases that prove that method or principle. The task concerning the origin of religion therefore comes down to criticizing the materials of which the essential concept of religion is made. What we mean to take as the task of the study of religion's origin is to analyze and point out the cultural factors that recur, of the same kind, in every particular that could be called religion or a religious phenomenon, without regard to differences of period or to stages of culture.
We now propose to consider the factors from which religion arises under four aspects: the biological factor, the psychological factor, the social factor and the revelatory factor.8
p. 51 Religion, especially at its primitive stage, contains a biological factor. People have the desire to survive. While we act and think, we feel a strong impulse toward self-preservation and self-renewal.9 And wherever human beings exist and act, there is a faith that gives them the power to survive. Look at the religious thought of India in its age of nature religion: in trying to explain in myths the natural objects closely bound up with their lives, people often came to give divine character to the objects themselves and to worship them. Look at the sources of the Hebrew religion: at the root10 of their religious thought a lofty monotheism and moral ideals were sprouting, yet the religion of the common people aimed at obtaining the necessary conditions of practical life, such as the prosperity of the nation, defense against foreign enemies and good harvests. Here too, in the region where I am drafting this manuscript, the religious mood is ordinarily stagnant11 and in decline; yet now that a long drought has dried up the crops and life is threatened,12 there is a great commotion, with rain-prayer rites every day and the digging up of graves secretly dug on sacred mountains.13 One can see plainly how strong the human desire for life is. Until religion takes right and effective measures toward this powerful reality, it will hardly become a religion that truly feels human life.
Since Darwin, the development of modern biology has had a profound influence on philosophy and on religious thought. Bergson's theory of life is without doubt a metaphysical14 principle above experience, embracing all the phenomena of life. Yet the distinctive15 feature of his thought, it may be said, lies in its attempt to explain things by the method of biology. What he believes to be the root of all phenomena, p. 52 the "impulse of life" (élan vital), is no more than an analogy with an organism, which has both adaptability to its environment and an infinite impulsive force within itself.16 His philosophy is an important correction of the older mechanism, but it has the defect of trying to consider life only at the biological stage. The view of religion held by the North American pragmatists likewise takes a naturalistic position based on the same biological analogy.17 For them religion is one form of life. Life is the forced work of adapting to an environment that is cold, indifferent and already formed. Human beings act in the midst of threats18 to life. This threat is the most real and fateful of things, and what lies ahead cannot be foreseen. Religion, they teach, arose from this predicament of life.
Religion, as they claim, must indeed perceive the actual human being keenly and give proper consideration to our biological impulses. Religion, one might say, is the deepest and most solemn sense of life. But we must not forget that religion, even at the stage at which it arises, has contained some lofty spiritual19 ideal beyond biological desire.
The most popular view of the psychological origin of religion is the "religious instinct theory."20 The psychologists of former days, observing the mental phenomenon of feeling, supposed that there was a mental entity21 called "feeling," and, observing the mental phenomenon of thinking, that there was a mental entity called "intellect." In the same way, from the presence of the distinctive phenomenon of experience called religion, they inferred that there was a special "innate idea" (Innate Idea.) or "religious instinct" that produced religious experience. But religion is too complex a phenomenon to be pronounced the outflow of an instinct. It is more fitting to call it the fruit of experience p. 53 than a hereditary disposition, and so the "religious instinct" has lost its true meaning. Irving King, in his book The Development of Religion, refuted the religious instinct theory in these words:22
"According to the science of modern evolutionary theory, an instinct is not an innate endowment proper to human beings; it is a form of mental response formed in the course of the organism's development. Instinct is the form in which our organism adapts to the physical environment that the struggle for existence requires. Therefore instinct contains no conscious process, either in its origin or in its function. To say that religion is a kind of instinct, or that it developed out of instinct, is to regard religion as biological adaptive behavior toward the environment of living. But we can hardly say that religious consciousness or religious behavior bears a direct relation to the biological struggle for existence." (Irving King, Development of Religion, p. 25–28)
This does not mean, however, that instinct or instinctive behavior has in its nature no relation to religion at all. First, a human being does not come into the world like a blank sheet, without any content or tendency. It is a fact that we have certain inner forces, or inner tendencies, acquired in social life. If religion is closely related to such mental tendencies, then it would be right to say, not that there is some special instinct that could represent religious experience entire, but that various complex natural tendencies combine to influence religious experience or to give it a basis. (Cf. McDougall, Wm., Social Psychology, Chaps. II–III; James Wm., Principle[sic] of Psychology, vol. II, Chap. XXI; Hocking, W. E., Human Nature and its Remaking, Chap. VI.)23
p. 54 Second, some people place the mental origin of religion in the subconscious.24
The subconscious was at first no more than a philosophical hypothesis, put forward by philosophers such as Leibniz, Kant and Hartmann to explain the causal validity of experience. Later Myers, in Personality and Eternal Life (Mayer[sic], Human Personality and its Survival of Bodily Death, London, 1903),25 maintained that our conscious life of representations is only a part of the true self. An infinite latent force,26 which our conscious powers can by no means measure, lies hidden within the personality; it is in constant touch with the great Self of the universe and shows itself at intervals27 in the world of consciousness. Taking this up, eminent psychologists of religion such as Pratt and Coe pointed out that the subconscious has an indispensable relation to the psychological origin and development of religion,28 and the psychoanalysts made it the sole basis for explaining abnormal phenomena of mystical experience.
If we sum up what various scholars have found in their study of the subconscious to this day, it comes to this.29 First, the subconscious is not an innate, unified personality in touch with the reality of the universe. It is the most primitive and hereditary function, and it is the source of the biological factor, that is, of desires and impulses. Second, the arising of consciousness, or the forming of experience, means the unifying of the material of experience. So the conscious self first comes to stand where our attention is concentrated, and at the fringe of that consciousness we can only posit a non-conscious region without harmony or organization. Third, to intuit something supraconscious, beyond our conscious powers, is an essential condition of the working of thought. Before we conceive the particular, we grasp the universal to which the particular points; and before there is any connection among things, we can only p. 55 suppose the principle of that connection a priori. In the philosophical sense this may be called the subconscious.
Next, we often hear it maintained that fear is the psychological source of the origin of religion. The mark of "negative religion"30 lies in devising means of defense by religious acts, in order to subdue the hostile forces of nature or to escape the wrath of God. Facing irresistible natural phenomena such as thunder and storm, plague and disease, human beings felt how weak their own strength was, and it is a fact that at this they came to fear.
Such fear is one expression of the biological feeling that seeks to preserve life. When ideals and circumstances run counter to each other, and "supernatural" forces such as upheavals of heaven and earth threaten life, the spirit sinks and people take biological means of defense against them. Fear, then, is the preservative value of the feeling that seeks to keep life safe. But when, as today, knowledge of nature has advanced on the one hand, so that many former superstitions have been broken down, and moral cultivation on the other can restrain extreme stimuli of feeling, something like biological fear is no longer so important a motive in religious life.
Yet fear too can rise above the state of biological feeling and become a factor in a genuinely religious disposition. When fear changes from a negative, selfish, biological state into awe31 before the Absolute or God, or into reverence for the dignity of a spiritual world, spiritual and moral in character, it will become a positive and necessary condition, indispensable to religious experience. Rudolf Otto's The Holy has made this clearest of all. (Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige, über das Irrationale p. 56 in der Idee des Gottlichen und sein Verhahaltino[sic] Zum Rationalen, 1926.)32 He says that although "natural fear" and "religious awe" are both expressions of analogous emotional responses, the latter "does not belong to the ordinary, natural sphere," "is possible only to one in whom a mental endowment wholly different from the natural endowment has awakened," and "this endowment itself shows33 a wholly distinctive, new faculty of lived experience and of judgment of value in the human spirit." (Yamaya Seigo's translation, Sei naru mono, p. 25.)34
He grants that in primitive religion it takes the crude35 form of "daemonic dread." But "this dread and its fantastic products afterwards take a crude form in the midst of all this, and the 'numinous' feeling, the mystical impulse that was first stirring, is overcome and driven out by higher stages and forms of development," he says.36 (Ibid., p. 26.)
Above, we have criticized the theories of the psychological origin of religion: instinct, the subconscious and fear. Now, to list in general terms the main points that modern psychology indicates about the predisposing causes of religion, they are roughly as follows.
First, the mark of modern psychology is that it is empirical and experimental. It rejects every hypothesis of "innate ideas" and sets psychology the task of examining the sources and functions of experience. Therefore, according to modern psychology, the essence of religious experience is interpreted as a result achieved through the accumulation of experience and the development of ideals. It is a fact that human beings have the endowment, or the common possibility, to live the spiritual and moral life possible only to human beings. But religion does not come into being from this endowment alone. Until the content of the endowment is defined and its direction settled, it has no practical value for us. So the general tendency of modern psychology in interpreting religion is to see religion as a result p. 57 achieved as long experience accumulates, both individually and socially.
Second, modern psychology opposes theories of partial entities, such as feeling, will or reason, and attends to the functions of the organism as a whole. So we have come to recognize that faith, too, does not belong exclusively to some mental entity called feeling, will or thought. It is the outpouring of the life of the personality, unified, whole and not to be analyzed. In faith a person moves as a whole. Unless one first knows the whole, one cannot know the parts, and the parts do not become meaningful except through the whole. Therefore in religion either our whole life goes bankrupt, or else our whole life can be saved.
Third, according to modern psychology, religious experience is not grounded in a mystery that we can neither understand nor explain, nor does it itself belong to mystery. It is of such a nature that we can actually be conscious of it and experience it, and so can communicate its source, its factors, its essence and its value. Religion, even at its primitive stage, begins when the self knows itself. No one else can do it for me in my place, nor send it to me as a gift.37 One must experience it oneself, vitally. Yet such experience is not wholly incomprehensible. One must be conscious of one's own experience, and one can explain it to others and so make them understand one's heart.
In inquiring into the origin of religion we cannot leave its social origin unmentioned.38 Religious thought before the eighteenth century p. 58 was, broadly speaking, centered on the individual. Even a modern scholar such as Max Müller said that "religion is the relation between the infinite real and the individual self." (Max Müller, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, 1901, Tiele, C. P, Elements of the Science of Religion, Edinburgh, 1807[sic].)39 But it is a fact that the general tendency of modern religious thought is to stress the relation between religion and society. Professor Ames says that "religion is the experience of the social group: the collective and cooperative effort to create the social ideals that the whole group has judged most valuable, and to preserve those social ideals." (Ames, E.S., Psychology of Religious Experience, p 206.)40 Professor Irving King, too, in The Development of Religion, reached a conclusion like Professor Ames's.41
"The fundamental problem of religion lies in upholding the structural forms of society. The religious activity of savage peoples aimed at achieving economic ends. Their chief customs were for the most part connected with sharing food, tending livestock and harvesting grain," he says. (King, I., The Development of Religion, p. 80.) Professor Haydon of Chicago, too, points out that economic institutions and activities are closely related to the origin of religion, and says:42
"The tribes that settled in one place and made farming their livelihood believed in the god of the earth, which supplied the things needed to preserve life. The religious feelings of primitive people, the heart leaping at the joy of a spring day, the sense of mystic power on a quiet moonlit night, the mind enraptured by the fresh beauty of dawn, we too experience today. When the cold and fearful night had passed, and the warm rays of the sun parted the curtain of darkness and shed the warm light of a new day on the earth, so that the fierce p. 59 beasts hid in the mountain valleys, and the people who had slept rose from their beds and went out to their work singing glad songs, dawn was always a goddess whom they worshiped." (Haydon, A. E., The Quest of the Ages, p.20.)
The one who maintained most thoroughly that religion originated socially was the Frenchman Durkheim.43 According to his theory, a human being, first coming into the world, is no more than a candidate for humanity, with no content beyond biological plasticity.44 From there, as one gradually grows and develops, one comes to delight in contact with others and becomes conscious of cooperation. To know time and space by fixed forms and to infer the relation of cause and effect are all gained through social consciousness. It follows that religious consciousness is also a social product. The idea of the "sacred" is the necessary result of the selecting and imitating that go with the human process of learning by education. Whatever one would learn, one comes to show respect to its object. The ideas of sacred and profane are a kind of primitive notion of value, taught by society. Because society thinks a thing valuable, it sets it apart and protects it. What society needed, people thought holy; what society forbade, they thought unclean. The objects of religious faith, and the attitudes toward them, originated here and developed here. In other words, he maintains that the god worshiped in religion is social value idealized and personified.
Human beings are social animals, and we cannot imagine human life wholly separated from social structures and the social spirit. The development of language and art, the fixing of customs and institutions, the accumulating of knowledge and ideals: none of this p. 60 could come about apart from the social mind. So it is with religion. For primitive people, religious feeling was a kind of social emotion, aroused by the stimulus of society; religious acts were outward, structural rules for maintaining social custom; and the object of religion was the objectification of the values that society sought to hold fast.45
Especially in the life of primitive people, their whole life was subject to a powerful social structure of kinship, and the idea of social solidarity had become the factor of their inner cohesion. In primitive society the individual self was not an individual, nor even one unit of society. It belonged to the social organism, and could stand for the whole on its behalf. Such a society, therefore, admits neither a supra-individualism46 that denies society nor an individualistic view of society that believes in a social body organized by contract for the benefit of individuals. For they think, not that society comes after there are individuals, but that individuals exist after a certain kinship body exists. So their religion, too, originated in the social customs of kinship, and held fast to the idea of social solidarity in religious thought, religious action and religious ideals.
But there are one or two points to consider about the social origin of religion.
First, we must not forget that social consciousness is not a reality existing on its own apart from the individual self; it denotes the group consciousness and cooperative spirit of individual lives. To say that religion is a social product, therefore, can only mean either, first, to identify religion with social institutions and attend to the outward forms it has, or, second, to regard religion as the preservation of social values or as a means of preserving them. But though the outward forms and formal functions of religion may be called necessary conditions p. 61 for understanding religion, they are heteronomous, and inadequate for grasping the inner essence of religious faith.47 It is like trying to explain a personality, or personal values, by the structure of the body, by clothing or by possessions, or to judge a fine painting by its canvas and its oils.
Second, religion aims not only at the preservation of values but at the creation of values. Society imposes on us fixed institutions, customs and ideas. But religion, while it respects the social values gained from the experience of humankind, stirs up the creative imagination and encourages a free individuality, and so has enabled people to see into a world of the soul that is ever new and ever wondrous, and to live as the seers of their age. Therefore the apostle of truth knows neither compromise nor surrender. The person of faith must live with the spirit that will not be moved, though the whole world rise up in clamor, unless I myself understand deeply, and will not take a stand on any way but the way of righteousness,48 however hard the things one must meet.
Above, we have considered the origin of religion from the biological side, the psychological side and the sociological side. This is an attempt to explain the origin of religion by human phenomena. Science, philosophy, art, morality, all cultural values are closely related to religion and are outward conditions that make up religion. And even at the stage at which religion arises, one can discern these elements at work in complex ways. But a deep understanding of the essential concept of religion can by no means be reached by human phenomena alone. Religion p. 62 lies in the revelation of grace granted for the sake of human beings, and in the human response to that grace.49 Therefore, to understand religion truly, we must begin from the recognition of the fact of revelation. In other words, rather than trying to explain religion by other phenomena that are not religion, we must explain what is religious as religious.
Some people believe in mechanical revelation.50 According to them, religion is "supernatural knowledge," asserted by the arbitrary will of a despotic, absolute God at a certain particular place and on a fixed51 date. Religion is not a convenient means devised for attaining human desires; it is mysterious knowledge that God has made known for the sake of human beings. The study of religion, therefore, is not a final reckoning that human ability has created or experience has achieved; it aims at the recognition of the will and action of God, which are there from the beginning.
If religion is regarded as the keeping of God's pure revelation, containing no human element at all, then a concrete way of keeping that revelation will be needed, and this, they say, is scripture and doctrine. Because these are the perfect expression of God's mysterious will just as it is, without the least admixture of human intention, they believe that human intention can neither interpret them at will nor alter them.
But when a person consciously experiences anything, it cannot be explained by the mechanical action of simple stimulus and reaction. Even if religious experience is not a subjective supposition but an objective gift, the work of receiving and answering that gift52 is impossible except through the language, knowledge and heart of the one who receives it. Moreover, even if one grants that a certain historical p. 63 revelation is a unique, pure revelation, it is still human beings who interpret and weigh that revelation, so it will not be the same for all but will vary with differences of understanding and character. And from the side of the nature of the object known, too, the forms of thought about a given actuality are marked by infinity.53
Religious revelation, therefore, cannot in any sense be interpreted mechanistically. At the stage at which religion arises, the final power of decision in all matters of faith and practice lay with tribal tradition. But this tradition concerned only broad54 religious principles. To solve the complex and many-sided problems met in daily life, a special insight into the divine will was needed. Above all, foreknowledge of the future, that rain would come on a certain day, that a son would be born in a certain year, that one's fortune would open at a certain time, was to them the most precious scientific knowledge. The method by which they obtained such knowledge is called "divination." According to Jastrow,55 there are two kinds of divination: one is technical divination, and the other is natural divination. Technical divination discloses the signs of the divine will by drawing lots, listening to the cries of birds,56 or interpreting written characters. Natural divination is the direct manifestation of the divine will in the mind of some intermediary. Natural divination requires a special temperament in the intermediary, and in receiving the divine will the intermediary must be in a wholly passive state, of dream or of trance. This was commonly called "inspiration."
In religious experience there are two sides, reception and response:57 the former is the static side of faith, the latter its dynamic side. Even p. 64 at its primitive stage, religion did not forget that God bestows unceasing grace for human welfare, and that before God's majesty human beings must have a spirit of humility, awe and obedience. The Greeks thought that all things, each according to its nature, are expressions of the "Logos," and the Christian tradition has believed that the historical Jesus is the "only begotten Son"58 whom God gave to save sinful humanity. Religion aims to bring human consciousness to awaken and perceive the presence of God, to be moved with gratitude, in human conviction, for God's grace, and to go forward toward a sacred ideal. Revelation is the showing of the grace with which God turns toward human beings. Revelation, therefore, is less the claim of a divine ground for religious authority, that is, for a system of doctrine, than a question of the essence of religion, that is, of the grateful acceptance of God's grace. Truly, it may be said that God's personal act of self-giving59 is the primal element of religion.
Notes
- Printed 未未[sic], for 未來 "future": the same character set twice. ↩
- The argument of this paragraph (the 一回性 "uniqueness" and 個別性 "individuality" of the historical, the value-standard that selection presupposes, the 意味關聯 "connections of meaning" that defeat pure description) is the Southwest German neo-Kantian theory of the historical sciences: Windelband's and Rickert's Einmaligkeit, Individualität, Wertbeziehung and Sinnzusammenhang. Jeong names no source. Whether he takes it from Rickert, from Troeltsch, or from a Japanese summary needs checking [verify]. 任意의 價値基準, "some standard of value": 任意 means "any, arbitrary"; here it marks a standard chosen by the historian, not one given in the facts. ↩
- The quotation 「從來 歷史의 過程에 漸次 發展 實現하여온 價値」 is not attributed. It reads like Troeltsch on the realization of values in history [Rall?; verify]. A reader has drawn a hooked pen line in the blank that ends this paragraph (p. 49, col. 9). ↩
- Printed 述語[sic], for 術語 "term". 述語 is "predicate"; the two are homophones (술) and share the phonetic 朮. ↩
- 「發生」 "arose" and 「原始」 "primitive," both in Jeong's brackets: 發生 is the genetic term (發生學 "the genetic point of view," p. 49; 發生的要因 "the factors from which religion arises," below), while 原始 carries the value judgment that Jeong refuses to attach to it. The English keeps both distinct in this chapter: "arise, arising" for 發生, "primitive" for 原始. ↩
- 覆約發生, "a recapitulation": not a standard compound. 覆 "repeat" (as in 反覆) and 約 "abridge" give "abridged repetition," the recapitulation theory (the development of the individual repeats that of the race, in abridged form), which G. Stanley Hall applied to the psychology of childhood and religion. Hence the pairing of "savage peoples" and "small children" in the next sentence. Transcribed without [sic]. ↩
- 文野의 區分, "the division between civilized and savage": 文野 abbreviates 文明 and 野蠻. 野蠻族 "savage peoples" in the preceding sentence is the period's anthropological term, literally "barbarous tribes"; the English keeps its period sense rather than softening it. ↩
- 啓示的要因, "the revelatory factor": Jeong counts revelation as the fourth of the factors from which religion arises, alongside the biological, psychological and social. The four set out the plan of the rest of the chapter. 發生的要因 "the factors from which religion arises": see n. 5. ↩
- 自己保全과 自己復生, "self-preservation and self-renewal": 復生 is "coming back to life, revival." Paired with self-preservation, it may mean self-reproduction, the sexual impulse of II.1, p. 45; Jeong does not say which. ↩
- Printed 根抵[sic], for 根柢 "root, foundation": 抵 (扌) for 柢 (木), homophones (저). ↩
- Printed 浸[sic]滯, for 沈滯 "stagnant"; homophones (침). ↩
- Printed 危[sic]脅, for 威脅 "threat"; homophones (위). With nn. 10 and 11 this makes three homophone swaps in four columns, the kind of error dictation or hasty drafting produces. [sic] covers the author's slips too. ↩
- The passage dates itself: 筆者가 이 原稿를 草案하고 있는 이 地方, "the region where I am drafting this manuscript." The preface is dated 1 March 1939, so the drought is earlier than that; Jeong names neither the region nor the year [verify]. 靈山에 暗葬한 墳墓를 發掘하느니: in the Korean folk belief, a grave dug secretly (暗葬) on an auspicious or sacred mountain brought drought, and in dry years villagers searched out such graves and dug them up, alongside the rain-prayer rites (祈雨祭) [verify]. 筆者 "the writer" is rendered "I." ↩
- Printed 形以[sic]上學的, for 形而上學的 "metaphysical": 以 for 而, homophones (이). The fourth homophone swap on this page; see nn. 10–12. ↩
- 顯殊한, "distinctive": not a standard compound (顯 "manifest" + 殊 "different," as in 特殊). The expected word is 顯著한 "conspicuous," but 殊 and 著 are neither homophones nor look-alikes, and Jeong uses 顯殊 again on p. 52 (宗敎란 顯殊한 經驗現象, "the distinctive phenomenon of experience called religion"). It is therefore taken as his own word, not a slip, and is transcribed without [sic]. ↩
- 「따윈」 is Charles Darwin; 「베루구손」 is Henri Bergson (1859–1941), whose L'Évolution créatrice (1907) made the élan vital central. Jeong's 「生의 衝動」 "impulse of life" glosses it, and his parenthesis prints "elan vital" without the accent. 生 "life" as such: 生命論 "theory of life," 生命現象 "phenomena of life." ↩
- 北米洲의 實用主義者들, "the North American pragmatists" (北米 is the Japanese abbreviation for North America). Jeong names no one. The description (religion as a form of life, the adaptation of the organism to an indifferent environment, arising from life's predicament) fits the functional psychology of religion of the Chicago school rather than James himself: Ames, King and Haydon, all cited below. [Rall?] This survey of Bergson and the pragmatists reads like a summary from an English source; check it against Rall and against the Chicago authors Jeong cites later. ↩
- Printed 危[sic]脅, twice in one column, for 威脅 "threat". With p. 51 (n. 12) that is three times in two pages. But p. 55 prints 威脅 correctly (生命을 威脅할 때에), so the book has both forms, and the correction is certain. [sic] applies whether the slip is the author's or the compositor's. ↩
- 精神的인 理想, "spiritual ideal." 精神 holds together "spirit" and "mind" (the German Geist), and English makes the translator choose (the dikaisune rule; see ch. 1 n. 15, II.1 n. 8). Here the English chooses "spiritual." In this chapter 精神 is rendered "spirit" throughout: 人間精神 "the human spirit" in the Otto quotation (p. 56, Otto's Geist), 社會的精神 "the social spirit" (p. 59), 協働的精神 "cooperative spirit" (p. 60), and 精神을 가지고 살아야 "must live with the spirit" (p. 61), where it leans toward "resolve." The pairing 精神的이며 道德的인 (pp. 55, 56) keeps "spiritual and moral." ↩
- Here begins the second of the four factors announced on p. 50 (n. 8): the psychological factor (p. 52, col. 11). Jeong takes three theories in turn: instinct (「宗敎本能說」 "the religious instinct theory"), the subconscious (p. 54) and fear (p. 55). He then sums up what modern psychology holds (pp. 56–57). ↩
- 心的實體, "mental entity": 實體 is "reality", but in faculty-psychology contexts, where feeling, intellect and will are treated as separate mental things, the English says "entity". So also 部分的實體說 "theories of partial entities" (p. 57). Elsewhere 實體 stays "reality": 宇宙的實體 "the reality of the universe" (p. 54), 獨存한 實體 "a reality existing on its own" (p. 60). ↩
- Irving King (1874–1937), The Development of Religion: A Study in Anthropology and Social Psychology (New York: Macmillan, 1910). Jeong's Korean title here is 「宗敎의發展」; on p. 58 the same book is 「宗敎의 發達」 (both "development"). The quotation, pp. 25–28, is translated from Jeong's Korean [verify against King]. His citation omits the article of the title ("Development of Religion"); kept, as with the dropped article in II.1. The quotation closes with 」 and no stop. ↩
- The three works: William McDougall, An Introduction to Social Psychology (London: Methuen, 1908), chs. II–III, on the instincts; William James, The Principles of Psychology (New York: Holt, 1890), printed "Principle"[sic]; and William Ernest Hocking, Human Nature and Its Remaking (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1918). The chapter numbers are reproduced as printed. James's vol. II, ch. XXI is "The Perception of Reality"; his chapter on instinct is ch. XXIV. Jeong may have meant XXIV, or he may have meant the chapter on belief [verify]. Hocking ch. VI [verify]. The citation is set as a parenthesis ending in 參照 "cf." after the paragraph's last sentence; the English keeps it in place. ↩
- 潛在意識, "the subconscious." This is the second of the three psychological theories (n. 20). The paragraph is a single sentence, set as its own paragraph. ↩
- 「메이어」, printed "Mayer"[sic] in the parenthesis, is F. W. H. Myers (1843–1901), whose Human Personality and Its Survival of Bodily Death (2 vols., London: Longmans, Green, 1903) proposed the "subliminal self." The Korean transliteration follows the misspelling, so the error is probably Jeong's own. Jeong's Korean title, 「人格과 永生」, means "Personality and Eternal Life"; the English renders it literally and keeps his English in parentheses. 「라입니쯔」 Leibniz (the petites perceptions), 「칸트」 Kant, 「하트만」 Eduard von Hartmann, Philosophie des Unbewussten (1869). ↩
- 伏勢, "latent force": not a standard compound (伏 "hidden, lying low" + 勢 "force"; cf. 潛勢力 "latent power"). The characters are clear and the sense is plain, so no [sic]. 大我 "the great Self," against 眞我 "the true self." ↩
- 間期的으로, "at intervals": not a standard compound. The usual word is 間歇的 "intermittent," but 期 and 歇 are neither homophones nor look-alikes, and 間期 "interval" gives the sense. No [sic]. ↩
- 「푸랫트」 is James Bissett Pratt, The Religious Consciousness (1920), transliterated 「푸랫」 in ch. 3 (a variant, not [sic]); 「코」 is George Albert Coe (1862–1951), The Psychology of Religion (1916). Both gave the subconscious a large place in religious experience. The Korean sentence is loose: it runs Myers's claim, Pratt and Coe's use of it, and the psychoanalysts' use of it into one sentence joined by 主張하였던것을 ("what he maintained"); the English splits it and supplies "Taking this up." ↩
- The three "results" are unattributed. The second draws on William James: the "field" of consciousness with its "fringe" (緣邊, "the fringe") and the unifying of experience where attention is concentrated. The third turns the subconscious into an a priori condition of thought (the universal grasped before the particular, the principle of connection before any connection), which is Kantian in shape. [Rall?] The whole summary may come from one English or Japanese source. ↩
- 「消極的宗敎」, "negative religion": Jeong's scare-quotes. The term is not attributed. The fear theory of religion's origin is old (Statius, primus in orbe deos fecit timor; Lucretius; Hume); whose term "negative religion" is Jeong using [verify]? ↩
- Three words for fear are kept apart in this passage. 恐怖 is "fear," the biological feeling (恐怖心 "fear," 「自然的恐怖」 "natural fear"). 畏懼 is "awe" (神에 對한 畏懼 "awe before God," 「宗敎的 畏懼」 "religious awe"), Otto's religious Scheu. 畏怖 is "dread" (「鬼神的畏怖」 "daemonic dread," p. 56), Otto's dämonische Scheu. 敬意 is "reverence"; 敬畏 "awe" does not occur here. ↩
- Rudolf Otto, Das Heilige: Über das Irrationale in der Idee des Göttlichen und sein Verhältnis zum Rationalen (Breslau, 1917; Jeong cites an edition of 1926 [verify]). The English translation is The Idea of the Holy (1923); Jeong's 「神聖한것」 is "The Holy." The citation is reproduced as printed: "Gottlichen" without its umlaut (no [sic]), "Verhahaltino"[sic] for Verhältnis, "Zum" with a capital. The citation breaks across the page. ↩
- Printed 表示한나[sic], for 表示한다 "shows": 나 for 다, a wrong sort. ↩
- 山谷省吾 譯 聖なるもの, the Japanese translation of Das Heilige by Yamaya Seigo (Tokyo: Iwanami, 1927 [verify]), pp. 25 and 26. Jeong quotes Otto through the Japanese, as he quotes Calvin through Nakayama (ch. 1). The three bracketed phrases and the quotation in the next paragraph are translated from Jeong's Korean, not from Otto's German or Harvey's English. ↩
- Printed 生素[sic]한, for 生疎한 "crude, raw": 素 for 疎, homophones (소). The next column prints the word correctly, as 生踈 with the variant 踈 for 疎. Modern Korean 생소 means "unfamiliar"; here it renders Otto's roh, "crude." ↩
- The sentence is translated as printed, and as printed it is hard. Its grammar makes the "numinous" feeling itself (「누우멘」的感情, from Otto's numen) the thing "overcome and driven out" by higher stages, and it says the dread "takes a crude form" (生踈한 形態를 取하야) when one expects a refined one. In Otto it is the crude, daemonic stage of the numinous that the higher stages overcome, not the numinous feeling as such. Jeong or the Japanese may have compressed a longer sentence; check Yamaya p. 26 [verify]. 逐放 "drive out" is as printed (a real compound; cf. 追放). ↩
- Printed 설[sic]물로, for 선물로 "as a gift": 설 for 선. ↩
- Here begins the third factor, the social factor (p. 57, col. 15). Jeong surveys it through Max Müller and Tiele, Ames, King, Haydon and Durkheim, and then gives two objections (pp. 60–61). ↩
- F. Max Müller, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion, as Illustrated by the Religions of India (the Hibbert Lectures, London, 1878; 1901 would be a later impression [verify]). C. P. Tiele, Elements of the Science of Religion (Gifford Lectures, 2 vols., Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1897–99), printed "1807"[sic]. The quoted definition, 「宗敎는 無限한 實在와 個我 사이의 關係」, is given to Müller; its source among the two works is not stated [verify]. 無限한 實在 "the infinite real,". "C. P," with a comma for the stop, is kept. ↩
- Edward Scribner Ames (1870–1958), University of Chicago, The Psychology of Religious Experience (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1910), p. 206. Jeong omits "The" and prints "p 206" without a stop; both kept. The quotation is translated from Jeong's Korean [verify against Ames]; Ames's best-known formula is "religion is the consciousness of the highest social values." ↩
- The book of n. 22, here titled 「宗敎의 發達」. ↩
- A. Eustace Haydon (1880–1975), professor of comparative religion at the University of Chicago (쉬카고, "Chicago"); The Quest of the Ages (New York: Harper, 1929), p. 20. The quotation is translated from Jeong's Korean. 神秘의 力 "mystic power": 力 stands alone where one expects 힘, as printed. ↩
- 「떠카임」 is Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), Les Formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (1912); 佛蘭西 is France. Jeong's summary (the social origin of the categories of time, space and causality; the sacred and the profane, 神聖과 不神聖; God as society idealized) is accurate to Durkheim, but he cites no edition, and may be working from a secondary account [Rall?; verify]. 「聖」 "the sacred"; 거룩한것 "holy"; 깨끗하지 아니한것 "unclean." ↩
- Printed 可型[sic]性, for 可塑性 "plasticity". The middle character is 型 (刑 over 土), the same form as 型 on p. 52. Not a homophone swap (型 형, 塑 소): the two characters share the 土 foot and look alike. ↩
- 持保하려고, "sought to hold fast": 持保 reverses the usual 保持 "maintain." The characters are clear and 持保 ("hold and keep") makes sense, so no [sic]. ↩
- 超個人主義, "supra-individualism": the term (German Überindividualismus, Japanese 超個人主義) usually means the view that sets the whole above the individual, which is the primitive view Jeong is describing. "A supra-individualism that denies society" is therefore puzzling as printed. Jeong may mean an individualism so extreme that it denies society. The English keeps his word. ↩
- 他律的인 宗敎的信仰의 內的本質, as printed, attaches 他律的 "heteronomous" to "religious faith," which would make faith itself heteronomous, against the whole argument. The English takes "heteronomous" with the outward forms and formal functions, the subject of the sentence. The English follows the sense Jeong plainly means. ↩
- 正義의 길, "the way of righteousness." 正義 holds together "righteousness" and "justice," the pair that δικαιοσύνη names. Here, of the person of faith who will not stand anywhere else, the English chooses "righteousness"; "the way of justice" is equally in the Korean. ↩
- Here begins the fourth factor, the revelatory factor (n. 8), within the paragraph that sums up the first three: religion lies in 恩寵의 啓示 "the revelation of grace" and in the human response to it. The next paragraph (p. 62, col. 4) opens with 機械的啓示 "mechanical revelation." "What is religious must be explained as religious": the claim that religion is sui generis, as in Otto (nn. 32–36) [Rall?]. ↩
- 機械的啓示, "mechanical revelation": the view that revelation is supernatural knowledge given once, at a fixed place and time, and kept unaltered in scripture and doctrine. Jeong sets it against the human side of receiving revelation and concludes that revelation "cannot in any sense be interpreted mechanistically" (機械論的으로, p. 63; 機械論的 "mechanistic," as in Part I, ch. 4). The section on the revelatory factor (pp. 62–64), with its argument against mechanical revelation and its closing phrase on God's personal self-giving, reads like translated Anglo-American theology [Rall?]. ↩
- 定確한 時日, "a fixed date." The usual word for "exact" is 正確; 定確 ("settled and certain") is uncommon, but the character is clearly 定 and the sense is sound, so no [sic]. ↩
- 受應作用, "the work of receiving and answering": an unusual compound (受 "receive" + 應 "respond"), clear in print, so no [sic]. It anticipates the two sides, 受容 "reception" and 應報 "response," of p. 63 (n. 57). 被動者 is literally "the passive party," here "the one who receives it." ↩
- 無限性을 떠운것이다, "are marked by infinity." Printed 떠운, where standard spelling has 띠운 (or 띤), from 띠다 "bear, be tinged with." The vowel ㅓ is clear. The same ㅓ for ㅢ/ㅣ recurs in 떠우지 (II.4 n. 9) and 떠우고 (II.5 n. 19), so it is taken as Jeong's spelling, no mark. ↩
- 廣凡[sic]한, "broad": for 廣汎 (or 廣範), "wide-ranging." 凡 and 汎 are both read beom, the homophone swap seen elsewhere in this chapter (nn. 4, 10–12, 14, 35). Both characters are clear. ↩
- 「쩌서로」, "Jastrow": most likely Morris Jastrow Jr. (1861–1921), historian of Babylonian and Assyrian religion, who wrote at length on divination; the work is not named [verify]. The division into "technical" (技術的) and "natural" (自然的) divination goes back to Cicero, De divinatione I.11 (artificiosa and naturalis). ↩
- 새[sic]비를 뽑는다든가 새 울음소리를 듣는다든가, "by drawing lots, listening to the cries of birds." 새 울음소리 "the cries of birds" (augury, the classic technical divination beside lots) is printed correctly. 새비 is printed for 제비 "lot" (or its period form 재비): the compositor's ㅅ, perhaps caught from the 새 that follows. ↩
- 受容과 應報, "reception and response." 應報 usually means "retribution, requital"; here, paired with 受容 and glossed as "faith in motion," it can only mean the human answer to what is received. The English gives the sense, not the usual meaning. 靜態 / 動態, "static / dynamic." ↩
- 「獨生子」, "only begotten Son": John 3:16, where the Korean Bible has 獨生子. Jeong gives no reference. ↩
- 神의 人格的 自己賦與의 行爲, "God's personal act of self-giving": the phrase of Part I, ch. 1 (p. 3), 自己賦與行爲 "act of self-giving". 人格的 "personal". With this sentence Chapter 2 ends (p. 64, col. 8). ↩